banner2e top

Being Serious About a War on Poverty by William Spriggs

Jan. 27, 2014
Being Serious About a War on Poverty
 By William Spriggs
being-serious-about-a-war-on-poverty

(TriceEdneyWire.com) - President Lyndon Johnson announcing in his 1964 State of the Union an “unconditional war on poverty in America,” 50 years ago. He said, “Our chief weapons in a more pinpointed attack will be better schools, and better health and better homes, and better training and better job opportunities to help more Americans, especially young Americans, escape from squalor and misery and unemployment rolls where other citizens help to carry them.” It is this myriad approach that many rail against today, believing that efforts such as Medicaid, Head Start, federal training programs and urban renewal failed.

But, it is very important to put Johnson’s ideas in context. First, it is important to remember that in 1964, the United States was in a Cold War where new nations, freed from the yoke of colonialism, faced competing ideologies between the western capitalist countries and the Soviet Union.  In his speech, Johnson said, “We have in 1964 a unique opportunity and obligation—to prove the success of our system; to disprove those cynics and critics at home and abroad who question our purpose and our competence.” That is, America felt it must prove that a market-based economy could do more than produce poverty and wretched conditions for workers, but could provide decent lives for all citizens.

Second, it is important to remember that in 1964, over 19 years since the end of World War II, the economic experience of Americans was equally rising incomes for rich and poor families alike. The escalator of income was in the up direction, creating a nation of hope. The ugliest divide, as Johnson noted, was “Unfortunately, many Americans live on the outskirts of hope—some because of their poverty, and some because of their color, and all too many because of both.”

Today, America no longer feels it must win an ideological war with Communism; and, the income escalator is in the down position. Johnson’s speech was about how the government must work to meet the needs of its citizens, including, especially, the poor. Here was his charge to Congress, “Let this session of Congress be known as the session which did more for civil rights than the past hundred sessions combined; as the session which enacted the most far-reaching tax cut of our time; as the session which declared all-out war on human poverty and unemployment in these United States; as the session which finally recognized the health needs of all our older citizens; as the session which reformed our tangled transportation and transit policies; as the session which achieved the most effective, efficient foreign aid program ever; and as the session which helped to build more homes, more schools, more libraries and more hospitals than any single session of Congress in the history of our Republic.”

Well, our current Congress is going down in history as having done nothing. But, if it is to serve the people, it must put the income escalator back into the “up” position to end poverty, and it must end its gridlock to put the jobs deficit and unemployed workers ahead of fiscal deficits and protecting the rich from paying its fair share.

Last year, the Census reported that more than 2 million of America's families, headed by someone younger than 65, had someone who worked full-time, year round but languished in poverty, and another 87,000 who had two workers who worked full-time, year round. This is possible because the federal minimum wage of $7.25 an hour gives an income of $15,080 a year, $3,400 short of the poverty line for a family of three. Clearly, we cannot be serious about ending poverty as long as those who get employment still find themselves below poverty. It is common sense, and it is what economic research clearly indicates. In all, more than 5.4 million poor families in America had someone working at least part of the year. They were constrained by a weak labor market that is failing to provide enough work hours. That means, as Johnson urged, we must get serious about full employment. But, since half those families have full-time, year-round workers, full employment alone—a job alone will not do.

For the 62% of poor working families that include workers, we must raise the minimum wage. The federal Bureau of Labor Statistics reports that 80 percent of households with children receiving income support—Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), housing or Medicaid—are working families. And, the University of California, Berkeley’s Labor Center reports that nearly $7 billion a year is spent on income support to front-line fast-food workers, who also need a raise.

In his special message to Congress on the Economic Opportunity Act, Johnson said, “Because it is right, because it is wise, and because, for the first time in our history, it is possible to conquer poverty.”

Follow Spriggs on Twitter: @WSpriggs.

Bill O’Reilly And Psychological Warfare by A. Peter Bailey

Jan. 26, 2014

Reality Check

Bill O’Reilly And Psychological Warfare
By A. Peter Bailey

apeterbailey

(TriceEdneyWire.com) - Remember when black folks with a high degree of black consciousness resented those white liberals who promoted themselves or were promoted by others, as experts on the black community. Well, they have now been joined by white conservatives make a similar claim.

One of the most notable of the conservative experts is Bill O’ Reilly who is undoubtedly the cleverest, slickest pundit and propagandist on American television. With smug certainty he has devoted a significant amount of time on recent programs focusing on crime and young black males.

Bill and others like him, who generalize about crime and young black males, don’t do the same when dealing with crimes by young white males such as the one who killed those 20 little children in Newtown, CT. In such cases their focus is usually on the pathology of that particular white male. However, when a black criminal commits a crime, Bill and many of his colleagues in journalistic and academic circles go on and on about the pathology of black males as a group. What they often ignore is that young black males who commit crimes are quintessential me, myself and I, materialistic products of American culture, not black culture.

Bill’s attitude is not surprising if one is aware of a statement he made in 2003. According to the Washington Post “members of the ‘Best Men, ‘ as the sixth-to-eight grade boys in the program are called, were delayed getting onstage to perform a lip-synched rendition of the Four Tops standard ‘Reach Out (I’ll Be There).’ O’Reilly ad-libbed: ‘Does anyone know where the Best Men are? I hope they’re not in the parking lot stealing our hubcaps.’ “

Bill, with great indignation about critical reaction to his very revealing statement, insisted that “This is ridiculous and foolish. No good deed goes unpunished. If you guys want to snipe at me, then snipe at me. This thing raised a lot of money for a good charity. Everybody was happy. I don’t want to comment on anything else.”

Some may wonder why I pay any attention to Bill and other propagandists like him. I don’t believe we should spend too much time on them, but they are a part of a larger problem. Too many black folks refuse to acknowledge that we are literally involved in psychological warfare in this country.

In a hundred different ways we are constantly reminded that we are just not quite good enough for equal rights, equal justice, and equal opportunity. Physical attacks to remind us of this have been significantly reduced, mostly because of the courage of those who fought the good fight in the 1950s and 1960.

But psychological attacks in movies, television, radio, books, songs etc. are as unrelenting as ever. Attacks on the mind such as the one in which an adult white male “hopes” that 11-13 year old black youngsters aren’t stealing hubcaps perpetuate the stereotypes that millions of white Americans share about black males and criminal behavior. 

For both individual and group interests, we must psychologically arm ourselves with the knowledge needed to confront Slick Bill and his comrades in the journalistic and academic arenas. Suggestion on ways to this will be presented in future columns. 

Journalist/Lecturer A. Peter Bailey, author of the recently published book, Witnessing Brother Malcolm X, The Master Teacher, can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. or 202-716-4560.

“Mo’ Money, Mo’ Money” by James Clingman

Jan. 27, 2014

Blackonomics

“Mo’ Money, Mo’ Money”
 By  James Clingman

clingman

(TriceEdneyWire.com) - Remember that movie with the Wayans Brothers?  After stealing some credit cards, Damon’s character, Johnny Stewart, had everything he ever thought he wanted.  He spent a lot of money on “things” and still found himself with more than enough cash to do whatever he wanted.  I am also reminded of another movie back in the 1980’s, "Wall Street", that featured the infamous Gordon Gekko whose mantra was “Greed is good.”  When King Solomon wrote, “Money answereth all things,” I don’t think he had Stewart and Gekko in mind.

To expand on that point, the Pope and President Obama will be kickin’ it in March to discuss the issue of economic inequality, which is graphically described by the following three points cited in an Oxfam Briefing Paper:

  • “The wealth of the richest one percent in the world amounts to $110 trillion. That’s 65 times the total wealth of the bottom half of the world’s population;”
  • “The bottom half of the world’s population [3.5 billion people] owns the same as the richest 85 people in the world;”
  • “In the US, the wealthiest one percent captured 95 percent of post-financial crisis growth since 2009, while the bottom 90 percent became poorer.”

Do I have your attention?  It is definitely too large a number for me to wrap my brain around, but I do know that $110 trillion dispersed among just 85 families is a whole lot of jack!  That makes Gordon Gekko and all of his friends look like paupers, and Johnny Stewart isn’t even in the game.  What does this mean to Black folks in the United States?  And let’s not even talk about the other countries.

Last week’s column was titled, “The revolution must be financed,” which pointed out that everything we say we want and need to do begins and/or ends with someone writing a check.  Juxtapose that fact against the Oxfam report and marinate for a while on our relative economic position in this country.

During the housing collapse Black people lost an estimated $1 trillion in wealth, more than any other group.  We were already way behind before the recession; where do you think we are now?  What is our children’s economic position?  What does the future hold for Black Americans, collectively, especially since we are a microcosm of the world’s wealth concentration model?

That’s right; we have the same relative situation going on with Black money.  A small percentage of Blacks holds a large percentage of all Black wealth.  You know the most popular ones, from Oprah and Bob Johnson on down to the entertainers and athletes, but there are other business owners whom many of us have never heard of who hold billions as well.  This not an effort to make them out to be culprits; this is merely about facts, and then what if anything you are willing to do to help change your and our situation.

Now let’s get one thing straight, those 85 families are not going to come to our neighborhoods and drop bags of money from helicopters, and the richest Black folks are not going to do that either.  As a matter of fact, some of them are too busy being Johnny Stewart (Gotta have that bling).  So once again the call goes out to our people to look at the facts and get with the program.  Economic inequality will always be with us; therefore, we must not waste our time and resources trying to reach “equality;” we simply need to spend as much time raising our individual and collective wealth as we spend trying to have an impact on politics.

It is now estimated that Black people in the U.S. have exceeded $1 trillion in annual income, which only means something positive to those on the receiving end of that money.  Income vs. wealth?  No brainer, right?  Yes, it takes some sort of income to create wealth, but it will also take good stewardship and “common cents” among our people to reach the lofty heights of economic stability.

Look at economic indicators across the board and you will find Black folks at the bottom of every category.  Unemployment, business growth (not start-ups), Black owned firms with employees, average annual sales revenue, poverty, health, education, and a lack of structured economic empowerment initiatives are challenges to our wellbeing and future prosperity and, if not changed, will prove to be our demise.  And they say our economy is doing much better, that it’s growing.  For whom?

Our President subscribes to the Reagan model of economics that says, “A rising tide lifts all boats.” I say, if you have no boat a rising tide can also drown you.  Blacks need to get mo’ money, buy some boats, and get in on this rising tide of economic prosperity.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Celebrating MLK: A drum major for justice by Rev. Jesse L. Jackson, Sr.

Jan. 26, 2014

Dr. King is Revered Now, But Reviled Then
By Rev. Jesse L. Jackson, Sr.

Jesse3

(TriceEdneyWire.com) - As I went from event to event celebrating the birthday of Martin Luther King, I was struck by both the tribute and the distortion.

The tribute is remarkable. Martin Luther King held no public office. He amassed no great fortune. He led no victorious armies. He was arrested, harassed by the FBI, denounced and defiled. Yet today, we devote a holiday to his birth. Schoolchildren study his life and learn of his “dream.” No matter how much the culture seeks to domesticate him, the lessons are inescapable.

Standing up for justice is honorable. Racism is unacceptable. Nonviolence — challenging unjust laws and practices with nonviolent protest — is honorable. It is a testament to a confident country that we would so honor Dr. King. But the distortion is real also. Martin Luther King grew revered once he was martyred, but he was the center of controversy when he was alive.

Gallup polling showed that he grew more unpopular over the course of the 1960s. By 1968, a Harris poll showed that three-fourths of Americans and 55 percent of African Americans had negative views about him. Why? King was always a drum major for justice. Without justice, he argued, there could be no peace.

Nonviolence was not a prescription for acceptance or for passivity, but a demand for confronting injustice, for putting one’s body on the line to disrupt business as usual. Americans rallied to the civil rights movement against segregation, stirred by the pictures of nonviolent protesters getting beaten by white sheriffs.

But King was not satisfied with the end of legal apartheid or the passage of the Voting Rights Act. He posed an economic challenge to America, decrying those who lived in poverty in a sea of affluence. He called for every person to have a right to a job, to a minimum income to health care — a floor beneath which no American could fall. And he alienated editorial writers, the president and his own allies when he spoke out forcefully against the Vietnam War in 1967.

He was slurred as a traitor, denounced for speaking out about issues where he was not an expert, condemned for weakening the cause of African Americans. On his last birthday, he was more unpopular than ever, but he would not stop marching for justice. He spent that birthday in planning meetings for a massive poor people’s campaign, bringing together leaders from across the country: whites from Appalachia, Latinos from the farm-workers, inner city blacks, religious and labor leaders.

He planned a massive march on Washington, where the poor could camp in a Resurrection city of tents demanding action. King wanted to be loved and respected, but that was not what drove him. What drove him was an unquenchable thirst for justice — and an unwillingness to accommodate to injustice.

We should remember not just how revered he is today, but how reviled he was before he died. He calls us to stand for what is right, even if it is neither popular nor expedient. That is a lesson that we should not let the holiday tribute obscure. 

Rev. Jesse Jackson Sr. is president/CEO of the Rainbow/PUSH Coalition.

Remembering the Life and Legacy of Amiri Baraka by Marc H. Morial

To Be Equal 
Remembering the Life and Legacy of Amiri Baraka
By Marc H. Morial

marcmorial

(TriceEdneyWire.com) - “Art is a weapon in the struggle of ideas, the class struggle.” Amiri Baraka

On January 9, with the passing of the prolific poet, playwright, essayist, and critic Amiri Baraka, one of the literary giants of the 20th century was called home.  As we offer condolences to his wife, children and family, we remember the 79-year-old Baraka not only for his bold, inventive and iconoclastic literary voice, but also as a courageous social justice activist.  His ideas and work had a powerful impact on both the Black Arts and Civil Rights movements beginning in the 1960s.

Baraka was best known for his eclectic writings on race and class.  He extended many of the themes and ideals of the 1960s Black Power movement into the realm of art, which he saw as a potent weapon of change; and like many good revolutionary artists, he sometimes went out of his way to offend the status quo.  He has been variously described as a beatnik, a Black nationalist and a Marxist.  But he was first and foremost a writer and social commentator of uncommon skill and insight. 

His 1963 masterpiece, “Blues People,” which explored the historical roots and sociological significance of the blues and jazz, has become a classic that is still taught in college classrooms today.  Almost every Black and progressive writer and thinker of the 20th century shared a kinship, friendship or feud with Baraka.  But, undergirding everything he wrote and stood for was his desire to lift up the downtrodden and disenfranchised, especially in his hometown of Newark, New Jersey.   

As a testament to his broad influence, more than 3,000 people attended his funeral last Saturday at Newark Symphony Hall.  The actor Danny Glover officiated and noted Baraka’s influence on his career.  Cornel West called Baraka “a literary genius.”  Sonia Sanchez read a poem for him written by Maya Angelou.  Speaking at the wake the night before, Jesse Jackson honored Baraka as “a creative activist and change agent who never stopped fighting or working for the formula to create social justice.”

Born Everett LeRoi Jones, the writer changed his name to Amiri Baraka in 1968 to reflect his embrace of Islam and the philosophy of Malcolm X.  He attended Rutgers, Howard and Columbia, served in the Air Force and began his literary career in the 1950s in the Beat poet scene of New York’s Greenwich Village.  His one-act play, “Dutchman,” won the Obie Award as the best off-Broadway production of 1964.  In 1965, he co-founded the Black Arts Movement in Harlem, infusing the Black Power movement with powerful artistic voices.  His numerous awards and honors include his selection as the Poet Laureate of New Jersey in 2002 and his 1995 induction into the exclusive American Academy of Arts and Letters.

Controversy was a mainstay of Amiri Baraka’s career.  Ishmael Reed, another provocative poet and contemporary of Baraka recently noted, “Amiri Baraka was controversial because his was a perspective that was considered out of fashion during this post race ghost dance, the attitude that says that because we have a black president, racism is no longer an issue, when the acrimonious near psychotic reaction to [Barack Obama’s] election only shows the depth of it.”  

Amiri Baraka always challenged us to face such uncomfortable truths – and we are better because of it.

Marc Morial is president/CEO of the National Urban League.

X