banner2e top

Democratic Vice Presidential Nominee Tim Kaine Returns to Richmond and Rally of 3,500 Cheering Supporters By Jeremy Lazarus

August 7, 2016

Democratic Vice Presidential Nominee Tim Kaine Returns to Richmond and Rally of 3,500 Cheering Supporters
By Jeremy Lazarus

kaine virginia rally1

Above, Tim Kaine declares, “It’s great to be home” as the Democratic vice presidential nominee receives a warm welcome Monday evening from supporters at Huguenot High School.  Photo: Sandra Sellars/Richmond Free Press

Special to the Trice Edney News Wire from the Richmond Free Press

(TriceEdneyWire.com) - U.S. Sen. Tim Kaine made a triumphant return to Richmond, a smiling hometown hero as the Democrat’s vice presidential nominee. He was greeted with the roars of a supportive crowd Monday at Huguenot High School, where he declared, “I’m so proud of my city.” 

Two weeks after presidential candidate Hillary Clinton named him her running mate, Sen. Kaine appears comfortable and confident in the national spotlight. 

However, the former Richmond mayor and ex-Virginia governor acknowledges he’s still getting used to the quirks of being elevated to another level in the political universe. For one thing, the 58-year-old said he was surprised to find himself “described as the dorky dad” in the deluge of Twitter comments last week when he accepted the party’s vice presidential nomination.

“That’s different,” he said from any of his past experiences on the campaign trail.

And as recognizable as he is already, it has become far harder for him and wife Anne Holton to move around without attracting notice. 

When he ran for Richmond and statewide offices, Sen. Kaine and Ms. Holton — the daughter of a former Virginia Republican governor, a former legal aid lawyer, a former juvenile court judge, a former Virginia first lady and former state secretary of education — used to be able to breeze almost unnoticed into their Laburnum Park neighborhood in North Side. 

Now they’re learning to live with a detail of Secret Service agents and Black government SUVs conspicuously parked outside the house on Confederate Avenue where they’ve lived for 32 years, though the couple rarely expects to be there during the next 90-plus days of this whirlwind campaign.

It has been an adjustment, Sen. Kaine said in an interview with the Free Press following a celebratory homecoming rally at Huguenot High School, where at least 3,500 prospective voters turned out to hear him.

“I don’t think she will mind me telling you that she burst into tears when we got home last night,” Sen. Kaine said of his wife. “Maybe it was exhaustion and everything that has been going on, but she also was concerned about the impact we’re having on our neighbors. They’re telling me they don’t mind. One neighbor told me, ‘We now live on the safest street Richmond.’ ” 

Sen. Kaine gives his wife, Anne Holton, a kiss in response to her glowing introduction at Monday’s rally.  

In an optimistic and upbeat nearly hourlong speech interrupted often by the cheers of the crowd, Sen. Kaine stressed the importance of Virginia in the race — a key reason many observers believe he is on the ticket, to ensure that Mrs. Clinton can win what is now a crucial swing state. 

Until President Obama won the state with then-Gov. Kaine’s help in 2008 — the first Democrat to do so in 44 years — the state was so reliably Republican in presidential elections that Democrats wrote it off, he said. 

“Let’s face it, we didn’t really have to do our best work” before the Obama era, Sen. Kaine said. “We’ve come out of the shadows, we’re on the main stage, the spotlight’s on us, the pressure’s on us to do the best work!”

For if the Clinton-Kaine ticket wins Virginia, he said, “we won’t have to stay up and see whether there’s a hanging chad in Florida or a weird voting booth in Ohio” because Mrs. Clinton will be president, he told the crowd. That’s how important this state is, he said. 

Sen. Kaine was completely at ease, surrounded by many of the people he has known from church, politics and the legal arena, familiar faces eager to cheer and applaud a hometown hero — and the first Richmond resident ever to be nominated for vice president. 

“It’s great to be home,” he told the 2,500 people who packed the school’s gym and the more than 1,000 others who filled overflow space. “What an amazing thing to come back after 10 intense days on the road, to come back to the Richmond Public Schools where all of our kids graduated to see so many wonderful friends.”

Supporters in the majority-white crowd waved “America’s Dad” signs and cheered “Yes we Kaine.” 

During his address, he teared up talking about his spouse, who sat on a stool on stage. Holton resigned as state education secretary when Sen. Kaine got the call from Mrs. Clinton at 7:32 p.m. July 22 — “not that I’m counting,” he said as the audience laughed.

He said their careers took parallel tracks — a potentially influential message in an election featuring the nation’s first woman presidential nominee of a major political party. 

“Women again and again and again provide support for men to do great things in politics,” Sen. Kaine said. “This election gives men a chance to stand up and support strong women.”

Returning from a post convention, weekend campaign swing with her husband through Ohio and Pennsylvania, Ms. Holton said as she introduced her husband, “I know he’s going to be a great partner to Secretary Clinton because he’s been such a great partner to me.” 

The bulk of Sen. Kaine’s speech reprised remarks he has made since joining Mrs. Clinton as her running mate — praise for Mrs. Clinton and salutes to her vision for the country, coupled with stiff attacks on Republican candidate Donald J. Trump as a trash talker unfit for the nation’s highest office. 

“We want a ‘You’re hired’ president. We don’t want a ‘You’re fired’ president,” he said, referring to the celebrated line Mr. Trump delivered on his reality TV show, “The Apprentice.” 
Sen. Kaine also drew a laugh as he recalled Mr. Trump’s biggest slam against him after being nominated was that “Tim Kaine was a lousy governor of New Jersey.”

“Wait a minute. I’ve never been governor of New Jersey,” he said, referring to Mr. Trump’s public mix-up believing Mrs. Clinton had chosen former New Jersey Gov. Tom Kean. Mr. Trump later corrected it. However, Sen. Kaine packed the most emotional wallop when he paid tribute to Richmond and its people, who he has come to know since he arrived with Ms. Holton in 1984. “How do I sum up and then give thanks for 32 years of friendship in RVA, in this community? Very, very hard.”

For more than 20 minutes, he took a personal verbal detour from the campaign to speak of how he has grown from “an incredibly naïve member of City Council” to a seasoned politician. 
Sen. Kaine, who has spent most of the past 22 years in public office, beginning with his initial election to Richmond City Council in 1994 that he won in a squeaker, told the crowd that “what I know about public service, you have taught me.”

Born in Minnesota and raised in Kansas City, Mo., he said he “grew up in a very, very nonpolitical household. Politics was something in the newspaper, like Hollywood and baseball. We never knew anybody who did that. So everything I know, everything I’ve learned … I’ve learned from you. 

“You taught me it’s about results, not about talk,” he said. “It’s about being accessible … It’s about trying to make things happen.” 

He talked about the people he and his wife have worshipped with at St. Elizabeth’s Catholic Church, the small, mostly African-American parish in Highland Park where he and his wife were married and their children were baptized.

“Every time we interact with somebody, we come to know something about the greater good and greater power in the world. And I learned that through these wonderful parishioners and through my neighbors, and then in my civil rights practice of 17 years, through my clients and through the lawyers I worked with, and through the lawyers on the other side of the cases.” 
Among the things, he said learned: “We’ve got to have the right leadership in this country.” 

He said the challenge ahead is to win.

“We have a great candidate who’s going to be a great president, and Virginia is right at the center of this thing,” he said.

He challenged his listeners to go out “and pound the pavement and fight for our values” and carry the ticket to victory.

Black Farmers Continue Pressing USDA and Obama Administration for Justice By Barrington M. Salmon

Aug. 7, 2016

Black Farmers Continue Pressing USDA and Obama Administration for Justice
By Barrington M. Salmon

eddieslaughter
Eddie Slaughter, president, American Agriculturalist Association

(TriceEdneyWire.com) - For more than two decades, Black farmers have driven tractors to Capitol Hill and walked the halls of Congress, coaxing, cajoling and confronting lawmakers.

They have also filed lawsuits, protested and demonstrated. All of this an effort to correct an admittedly egregious legacy of racism and discrimination by the US Department of Agriculture.

Despite high profiled settlements several years ago, just last month, three dozen farmers and their supporters from Georgia, North Carolina, Alabama, South Carolina, Mississippi, Oklahoma, Arkansas and Kentucky descended on the steps of the United States Supreme Court. At the rally and demonstration, the protesters promised to fight until they’re heard and one of their members, Bernice Atchison, filed a writ with the Supreme Court.

“[Former USDA Secretary Dan] Glickman acknowledged that the agency had discriminated against Black farmers. We have dealt with bias, discrimination and double standards,” said Georgia Farmer Eddie Slaughter in front of the court. “We had supervised accounts which meant they had power over our money and county loan officers discriminated against Black farmers. It’s been nothing but fraud, deceit and breach of contract. Our damages are in the hundreds of thousands of dollars. They have persecuted us and now, 35-40 percent of Black farmers have been run out of the business. They were supposed to return one and a half million acres of land to Black farmers but didn’t.”

Slaughter concluded, “We’re here to say Black farmers of 2016 are the Dred Scott of 1857. He demanded to be free. The fraud and corruption amounts to economic terrorism against Black farmers. We don’t have anyone standing up for us. The Congressional Black Caucus or President Obama could have created a national investigative commission. But they’ve done nothing. Equal justice under the law does not exist in this.”

Bernice Atchison, president of Black Farmers of Alabama, agreed as she recounted her long ordeal since the USDA seized and sold 239 acres of family land.

“My husband’s father died and they sold the land on the steps of the courthouse,” she explained as she held an armful of folders. “I’ve been fighting since 1983. I’m 78 years old. It’s been a long time for me. I have enough evidence that it would take a truck to haul it away. I walked the halls of the Capitol Hill with (the late) John Boyd, going from office-to-office.”

In 2004, Congress asked Atchison to testify before a subcommittee.

“They said my face was the face of the 66,000 Black farmers who’d been denied and said my due process had been violated,” She recalled. “Congress called me as an expert eyewitness before them and a judge gave me standing in the court. I’m the most impacted but I haven’t been paid. They’re punishing me. We’re asking for justice not a set amount.”

Atchison said she has a case on the docket that she filed in 2014. But, she says she and her colleagues have hit a brick wall.

“It’s been 20 years that farmers have been saying that they’ve been mistreated and we’re still losing land,” said Gary R. Grant, president of the Black Farmers & Agriculturists Association & The Land Loss Fund. “Where we had one million farmers, that number is down to 20,000. Many farmers feel a sense of helplessness, a number are suffering from disease and health issues we’ve never dealt with such as diabetes and high blood pressure. They’re wiping us out. The land isn’t disappearing. It’s been stolen from us.”

Grant said there has been no Congressional investigation into the assortment of alleged abuses by local farm service agencies.

“Not a single employee at USDA has lost their job,” said Grant. “Between 1981 and 1996, 64 percent of Black farmers have (disappeared) and only one person was forced to retire but with full benefits.”

Repeated attempts to secure comments and reaction from the USDA were not successful. However, a 1994 USDA study examined the treatment of racial minorities and women as the agency was weathered allegations of pervasive racial discrimination in the way its employees handled applications for farm loans and grants to primarily Southern black farmers. Between 1990 and 1995, researchers found that “minorities received less than their fair share of USDA money for crop payments, disaster payments, and loans.”

The final report noted that the USDA gave corporations 65 percent of loans, while 25 percent of the largest payments went to White male farmers. Further, 97 percent of disaster payments went to White farmers, with less than 1 percent reaching black farmers.

The study highlighted “gross deficiencies” in the way the USDA collected and handled data which muddied the reasons for the discrepancies in treatment between Black and White farmers in such a manner that the reasons couldn’t easily be determined.

Carol Estes, in a story about the travails of Black farmers in a Yes! Magazine article headlined, “Second Chance for Black Farmers,” details one of the many challenges.

Estes reports, “The USDA does provide a remedy for farmers who believe they've been treated unfairly: They can file a claim with the agency's civil rights complaint office in Washington, DC,” she said. “There's a hitch, though. Ronald Reagan shut down that office in 1983, and the USDA never informed farmers. So for the next 13 years, until the office was reopened by the Clinton administration, black farmers' complaints literally piled up in a vacant room in the Agriculture building in Washington.”

The farmers who congregated in front of the Supreme Court cited figures ranging from 14,000 to 40,000 cases they say the USDA has failed to process. The official put in charge of unblocking the bottleneck is a part of the problem because he’s made no effort to facilitate the processing of the backed up claims, they charge.

The farmers have received two settlements, Pigford I and II, class action lawsuits which together have allocated about $2.25 billion to tens of thousands of Black farmers. The first lawsuit was settled in April 1999 by US District Court Judge Paul L. Friedman. And in December 2010, Congress appropriated $1.2 billion for 70,000 additional claimants.

The judgment was the largest civil rights settlement in this country’s history. While some see the settlement as a victory, for most Black farmers it’s bitter-sweet because the settlement payments aren’t enough to buy farm equipment, give farmers long-term comfort; and in no way makes up for the destruction of rural Black communities and the theft of land by government officials, they say.

For example, the farmers detailed the travails of Eddie and Dorothy Wise, North Carolina farmers who were forced off their 106-acre farm in January by 14 heavily armed sheriffs and federal marshals. They said this happened without the couple being granted any hearing. Wise, a 67-year-old retired Green Beret and his wife, a retired grants manager, lived on their farm for more than 20 years. After being evicted, the Wises lost their property and are living in a hotel. A GoFundMe page is soliciting help for the family. Supporters have raised $6,000 toward the $50,000 goal.

“Nothing has been done to enhance the opportunities and fairness. What they’ve been doing is working to manipulate and separate the black farmer from his community where he lives, and critically himself,” said Grant.

Lawrence Lucas, who worked with the federal government for 38 years, said little has changed at the agency.

“There’s a reason why they call the USDA ‘the last plantation.’ The civil rights problems there have not been fixed,” said Lucas, president emeritus of the USDA Coalition of Minority Employees. “Ninety-seven percent of Black farmers did not get the debt relief promised in the agreement. Things are not better, which is why we have to stand up.”

The farmers said the White House, the US Department of Justice, Congress, the Congressional Black Caucus and civil rights leaders have done little to bring this long-running saga to a close.

“Cases have not been processed and no investigation has been undertaken,” Lucas said.

Oklahoma resident Muhammad Robbalaa said he was at the rally “because a fighter doesn’t quit.”

He said, “I have an older brother who lost his land in 1983. He had a stroke after we fought a battle with the State Supreme Court,” said Robbalaa, 75. “They ruled that it was other folks land and they gave it to White folks. I’m still in the cattle business and my daughters have come back and joined the business. I originally owned 250 acres of land but now I’m on leased land.”

Grant, Slaughter, Atchison and the other farmers said the government has colluded, nothing’s changed, they are further victimized and the land they own continues to be seized and stolen.

“People think that Pigford and $50,000 settled all our issues, but it hasn’t. You can’t even buy a tractor with just that,” Grant said. “They continue to take and foreclose Black farmers. The (lawsuit) assured us a hearing before foreclosure and that has not happened. All we want is justice and equality.”

America Must Equalize Access to Homeownership and Its Wealth Opportunities By Charlene Crowell

August 6, 2016

America Must Equalize Access to Homeownership and Its Wealth Opportunities 

By Charlene Crowell

charlene-crowell

(TriceEdneyWire.com) - Although many American families have modest financial means, there is nothing small about their hopes. Owning a home has long been an important part of the American Dream.

 

Just as a college education can open doors to America’s middle class, a home is more than just where families come at the end of the day. It is also where children are raised, memories are created and – how historically most American families built wealth.

 

Discriminatory government policies of the past prevented many Blacks and Latinos from building wealth via homeownership. Older consumers may still recall the difficulties of obtaining a mortgage loan before laws were enacted to require equal credit access.

 

Despite these laws, discriminatory lending practices during the recent era of subprime loans erased many of the financial gains that Black and Brown families made since the enactment of the Community Reinvestment Act. Instead, these consumers were targeted for predatory, unsustainable loans. A key measure of the foreclosure crisis is that these families lost $1 trillion in wealth.

 

Even families whose homes were preserved but located nearby multiple foreclosures also lost wealth. Many of these families still remain underwater on their homes – owing more than they are now worth.

 

Nowhere is this reality truer than in America’s most populous state: California. New research by the Center for Responsible Lending (CRL), highlights how post-housing crisis lending trends perpetuate racial wealth gaps and housing segregation. Additionally, these practices erect yet another barrier to wealth creation for these communities.

 

CRL’s analysis of first-lien, owner-occupied home purchase mortgages made from 2012-2014, reveal a lack of access to conventional mortgages for many Black and Brown consumers - even when these consumers had higher incomes greater than the median areas where they live.

 

"These post-crisis mortgage lending trends in California help to inform our continuing national discussion of homeownership and the importance of responsible mortgage credit,” commented Sarah Wolff, report author and a CRL senior researcher. “The communities that lack access to mortgages post-crisis are the very same communities that were disproportionately affected by foreclosures and lost wealth during the housing crisis.”

 

CRL’s analysis of Home Mortgage Disclosure Act (HMDA) data in California found that:

 

§  More than two-thirds of homebuyers in every race or ethnic group had middle or high incomes for their area;

 

§  Among Black consumers receiving mortgages, 79 percent had middle or high incomes relative to other households in their areas. Similarly, among Latino borrowers, 66 percent had these same income levels.

 

§  Few conventional mortgages, the most affordable and sustainable loans, were made to African-American and Latino consumers; and

 

§  The dearth of access to conventional mortgage loans shifted Black and Latino homebuyers to higher-cost, government-insured mortgage loans such as VA and FHA. Most of the homes purchased were also in majority minority census tracts.

 

“Recent law [Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform Act], has made today’s loans much safer for borrowers than those of the past,” states the report. “Most importantly, the law’s Ability-to-Repay requirement ensures that lenders confirm that a potential borrower can afford the loan. However, restricted access to credit in the post-crisis period has resulted in the very same families and communities which have been historically disadvantaged finding it difficult to access today’s responsible mortgages.”

 

CRL’s analysis found that Asian-Americans were the only consumers of color to enjoy broad mortgage access in California. Whites and Asian-Americans combined accounted for more than 75 percent of all mortgage loans reviewed during the study period.

 

The report also analyzes four large California counties: Alameda, Fresno, Los Angeles and Solano. While regional differences are apparent, statewide trends were also evident in these counties. For example, Black consumers who represent 14 percent of Solano’s population, received only 8 percent of that county’s loans and 72 percent of those were government-insured loans.

 

Similar figures for Blacks were consistent in the other three counties studied, with African-American borrowers in both Los Angeles and Alameda Counties receiving 4 percent of respective county loans. In Fresno County, Blacks received only 2 percent of that county’s mortgage loans.

 

Smaller lenders focused on these populations and geographies compared with larger lenders. Although California’s largest lenders made the greatest number of loans to Blacks and Latinos, these populations, they represented a much smaller share of overall originations for the state’s largest lenders.  By contrast, some smaller lenders, though generating fewer loan totals, appeared to focus on serving Latino borrowers in particular.

 

Over the coming decade, people of color are expected to represent three-quarters of all household growth. The report also connects its findings to these shifting national demographics.

 

Concluded the report, “If the trends found here continue, few families will become homeowners, with implications for overall national wealth and for the health of the real estate market."

 

Charlene Crowell is the Communications Deputy Director for the Center for Responsible Lending. She can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..

A Reality Check on Bernie Sanders by A. Peter Bailey

August 6, 2016

Reality Check

A Reality Check on Bernie Sanders
By A. Peter Bailey

apeterbailey

(TriceEdneyWire.com) - It is time for a reality check on Bernie Sanders, the Brooklyn-born, Vermont senator and registered Independent who campaigned for the Democratic nomination to run for the office of the President of the United States.

The first reality is that Bernie benefited from one of the goofiest decisions I have witnessed since becoming aware of American politics. It allowed a registered Independent to run against a long-time registered Democrat for the position. The Democratic Party National Committee under the leadership of Debbie Wasserman-Schultz was absolutely right in supporting Hillary Clinton over Sanders since she is a registered Democrat and its mission it to get a Democrat elected president. To do otherwise would have been goofier than allowing Sanders to run in the first place.

The second reality check is that the large crowd at Sanders’ highly covered rallies were as white as the large Trump crowds. Just as Trump did, Bernie had a few black folks to exhibit when necessary but the overall effect was a sea of mostly young, white folks.

The third reality results from my being a Malcomite. Brother Malcolm use to tell us if anyone at one of our rallies or meetings shouts “We should bomb the subway,” that person should immediately be evicted from our meeting or rally because nine times out of ten that person is a plant of the Federal Bureau of Investigations or the New York City Police Department. The goal was for us to discuss such a suggestion so everyone there could then be charged with a conspiracy.

With this in mind, I am convinced that a significant number of the supposedly Sanders’ crowd were/are actually covert Trump supporters out to disrupt the Clinton campaign.

The lesson behind this, especially, is to avoid the trap of looking for a white savior and by the way, that includes Hillary Clinton. No white Democrat or white Republican, no white liberal or white conservative, no white preacher or white professor, no white communist or white capitalist, will be a savior for us. We have much too often failed to deal with that concrete reality.

That’s why we must support—develop and financially support—leaders who have commitment and talent and who have a concrete track record of promoting and defending black economic and cultural interests. Such a quest leaves out most of those smooth-talking, fast talking, always talking characters who have the label as leaders today. They are just two or three steps above white saviors.

#####

A. Peter Bailey, whose latest book is Witnessing Brother Malcolm X, the Master Teacher, can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..

The Continuing Fight for the Right to Vote By Jesse Jackson

August 6, 2016

The Continuing Fight for the Right to Vote
By Jesse Jackson
Jesse3
(TriceEdneyWire.com) - Last week, a panel of the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals unanimously rebuked the North Carolina legislature for acting with “discriminatory intent” in passing restrictions on the right to vote that “target African-Americans with almost surgical precision.” The decision came as we approach the 51st anniversary of the Voting Rights Act on August 6. Reinforced by similar rulings in the appellate court in Texas and a district court in Wisconsin, the decision is a victory for our democracy and our Constitution.

The voting impediments were passed by North Carolina in 2013 in the wake of the Supreme decision in Shelby v. Holder which struck down the central provision of the Voting Rights Act: the requirement that areas with a history of discrimination gain prior approval from the Justice Department before changing voting regulations. Chief Justice John Roberts, the activist Republican judge, decided to rewrite the law that was passed with overwhelming bipartisan support, arguing that since we now live in a “post-racial society,” requiring prior approval for voting law changes was no longer justified. The flood of legislation that followed — all erecting barriers to make voting harder for African-Americans in particular — proved the chief justice’s fantasy was a lie.

In North Carolina, the legislature acted immediately after the Supreme Court decision came down. Its motivation, the Fourth Circuit panel found, was clear. African-American turnout had surged in 2008 and 2012 (with Barack Obama at the head of the Democratic ticket), nearing parity with the turnout of white voters for the first time. Obama had taken the state in 2008 and lost it closely in 2012. But in 2010, conservative Republicans had taken control of the legislature and the statehouse.

The new majority acted aggressively to fend off the threat posed by growing African-American turnout. As Judge Diana Motz, writing for the unanimous panel, summarized, the legislators “requested data on the use, by race, of a number of voting practices. Upon receipt of the race data, the General Assembly enacted legislation that restricted voting and registration in five different ways, all of which disproportionately affected African-Americans.”

The three-judge panel in Richmond, Virginia, unanimously concluded that the law was racially discriminatory, overturning a requirement that voters show photo identification to vote and restoring same-day voter registration, a week of early voting, pre-registration for teenagers, and out-of-precinct voting.

As Ari Berman, the voting rights expert who reports for The Nation magazine noted, the decision comes after North Carolina’s presidential primary in March provided a troubling indication of what might be expected in the general election — students waiting in three-hour lines, foreign-born U.S. citizens asked to spell their names to poll workers for no reason, and elderly voters born during Jim Crow turned away from the polls for not meeting the new ID requirements.

“The Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals exposed for the world to see the racist intent of the extremist element of our government in North Carolina,” exulted the Rev. William Barber II, president of the North Carolina NAACP, on a press call Friday afternoon. “The ruling is a people’s victory, and it is a victory that sends a message to the nation.”

Dr. Martin Luther King led the movement that culminated in the Voting Rights Act over a half-century ago. He understood that voting was the foundational right of citizenship. To strip someone of the right to vote is to strip them of their place in a self-governing community. In a 1957 speech entitled “Give Us the Ballot,” King argued “So long as I do not firmly and irrevocably possess the right to vote I do not possess myself. I cannot make up my mind — it is made up for me. I cannot live as a democratic citizen observing the laws I have helped to enact — I can only submit to the edict of others.”

King understood that discriminatory election laws not only hurt minorities or the working poor, they also undermined the legitimacy of our elections and thus of our government.

The North Carolina decision and similar decisions in Texas and Wisconsin offer the hope that the courts will act to frustrate at least the most blatant versions of new Jim Crow laws. Those decisions will remove barriers for literally millions of voters.

But the courts can only reaffirm the right to vote. That right is not effective if it is not used. The courts have lowered the barriers in North Carolina and other states. Now the citizens must mobilize and vote in large numbers to exercise the power that they have.

 

 

 

 

X