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HBCU Community Awaits Equity Suit Ruling

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By Alexis Taylor
Special to the Trice Edney News Wire from the Afro American Newspaper
(TriceEdneyWire.com) - Both the Maryland Higher Education Commission (MHEC) and the Coalition for Equity and Excellence in Maryland Higher Education are waiting for U.S. District Court Judge Catherine C. Blake’s ruling, expected in the coming weeks, in the Maryland HBCU equity trial.

The opinion will bring an end—and long-anticipated solution--to a case that some legal observers say will have a deep impact on how the nation’s historically Black colleges and universities are funded.

“The issues that are being tried in Maryland right now are a continuation of the very same issues that resulted in Brown v. the Board of Education and its subsequent cases in higher education,” said Pace J. McConkie, a long-time civil rights lawyer and director of Robert M. Bell Center for Civil Rights in Education.

“This is very much the prominent civil rights issue and an equal education opportunity case that will affect African American students in Maryland and throughout the country.”

In 2006, the coalition, a group of current HBCU students, faculty, staff, and alumni, filed the lawsuit seeking $2.1 billion from the state of Maryland, claiming that the MHEC has continuously failed to equally fund the state’s four historically Black colleges—the University of Maryland Eastern Shore, Morgan State, Bowie State and Coppin State universities--compared to their White counterparts such as Towson University, the University of Maryland, College Park and the University of Maryland, Baltimore County.

“A part of the case deals with the absence of equal education opportunities for the African Americans attending HBCUs, in terms of the academic programs, the infrastructure, the funding and the HBCUs’ ability to compete with traditionally White institutions,” said Michael D. Jones, lead attorney for the Coalition.

Jones said that although the current Maryland case is linked to the Supreme Court’s landmark 1954 ruling in Brown v. Board of Education“ in that it all deals with the desegregation of higher education and the equal education opportunities for African Americans,” the 1992 Supreme Court ruling in a case from Mississippi, U.S. v. Fordice, was more of a model for the plaintiff’s approach.

He said the {Fordice} case made clear what activities point to a higher education system stuck in a trend of operating under segregated policy, such as program duplication.

The coalition alleged that the MHEC unjustly approved program duplications by White schools, a policy that undercut specialty programs at Black schools.

Simply stated, when a White school is allowed to create any specialty course that already exists at a Black school that is proximately located to the White school, the potential for improving the diversity at the Black school is diminished since White students will choose the specialty course at the White institution. Additionally, the funding for the Black school will also be negatively impacted.

Invariably when duplication has occurred, the resources applied to the specialty courses at the White institutions not only draw the potential White students away from the pre-existing Black institution which already had the courses, but Black students are also eventually drawn toward the new and better resources of the White institution as well. This results in the pre-existing Black institution specialty courses having to struggle to maintain a competitive existence in connection with the Black students it endeavors to educate.

Instead of allowing duplication in these settings, the law under the Supreme Court Fordice decision prohibits the White institution from establishing specialty courses that already exist at the Black institution, and instead requires that the state invest additional funds in the pre-existing specialty courses of the Black institution making such courses unique so as to attract a diverse body of students of all races. By enhancing the pre-existing specialty courses at the Black institution, the need to create a similar course at the White institution is eliminated and the diversity at the Black institution is enhanced. The rule does not apply to basic undergraduate core courses but only to specialty undergraduate and post-graduate courses such as engineering, business and education.

Such was the case in 1975 when Morgan had a diverse population of 263 Black and White students matriculating through it’s master’s of business administration (MBA) program, begun in 1969. Since that time, the University of Baltimore, the University of Maryland-University College and the Johns Hopkins University have all added MBA programs.

As a result of the introduction of these MBA programs into the geographic area, by 2004 Morgan’s MBA program enrollment dwindled to a total of only 28 students—all Black. Thus the diversity and enrollment that once existed at the Morgan MBA program were destroyed by the duplications allowed at the other institutions.

Therefore Morgan along with others objected to MHEC against the introduction of a joint Towson University- University of Baltimore MBA program in an effort to protect its substantially diminished program from being further impacted by another MBA program.

MHEC nevertheless approved the duplication in 2005. The next year, in October, the Coalition filed their suit. For the reasons dramatized by the Morgan MBA program and other instances, the Coalition asserts that the state of Maryland through program duplication and other practices is continuing the segregated policies and practices it has maintained for decades that perpetuate a segregated system of higher education to the detriment of Morgan and other HBCU’s in the state.

The HBCU equity lawsuit started with a six-week trial, which began Jan. 3 of last year, and was immediately followed by a period of five months when both sides of the litigation were allowed to enter written briefs, projected findings, and conclusions to the judge.

“This case is much bigger than Morgan,” said Dr. Earl S. Richardson, who led the institution for more than two decades and also took the stand during the trial. “It’s much bigger than Maryland’s four HBCUs because this is the circumstance of historically Black colleges across the country in the 17 jurisdictions where we have Black institutions.”

Richardson said the continued disparities in education have had untold negative effects on Maryland’s historically Black institutions, which he said relieve a significant amount of the burden for Blacks in Maryland when it comes to ease of access to higher education.

“The effects have run the gamut in terms of adversely impacting image and presentation. It has adversely affected the ability to compete with the very best for their share of quality students, and adversely affected the diversity of the student body at these institutions across the country,” he said.

“This is not a struggle out of hostility. This is a struggle out of trying to achieve justice and fairness such that our institutions can grow and prosper like all other institutions.”

Closing arguments were heard on Oct. 19, and according to McConkie, the case has progressed on schedule, given the sheer amount of information and testimony involved in the case.

Pre-trial motions for the case gave the coalition the go-ahead to enter into evidence state documents from as far back as 1937.

Though McConkie and Richardson both said the case could prove beneficial to other Black colleges and universities currently battling issues such as underfunding and program duplication issues, MHEC attorney Craig A. Thompson had reservations.

“The facts are pretty specific to Maryland,” Thompson told the AFRO, adding that “hopefully the decision will be out soon.”

Jones nevertheless said that Blake’s written opinion will decide how and if other historically Black colleges can use the case as a precedent.

“It depends on what’s in the decision so we have to wait and see,” he said. “We can’t make a prediction until we see the decision.”

Throughout the proceedings graduates of Bowie State University, Coppin State University, Morgan State University and University of Maryland, Eastern Shore could be seen along with members of the faith community, faculty, and members of the current student body at the Edward A. Garmatz U.S. Courthouse in downtown Baltimore.

“Students are talking about it but there has been some confusion because there has been a long wait,” said Shaquayah McKenzie, 21, current president of the Morgan State University student body.

“I think people need to stay attentive,” she said, adding that “students are still hopeful.”

DaQuan Lawrence, a 23-year-old graduating senior and former president of the Morgan State University student body, said that even after the case is finished, the issues should still be at the forefront of current and incoming students’ minds.

“It’s not about money,” he said, “it’s about equal opportunities in the work place and in the community.”

Lawrence, a sociology major with a double minor in philosophy and criminal justice, said he hopes his younger brother will enroll at Morgan as a freshman in two years but said he will still have worries about the school’s funding in the event of a positive outcome because all four Maryland HBCUs will have to split the award if there is one.

“We’re not expecting the students to really see the money we win from the case,” he said, adding that most students care less about the money and more about the actual changes they want to see made within the system of higher education in Maryland.

“We need a lot more than a court case to get us on the same playing field as other institutions,” he said. “The court case is just the first step.”

 

Bayard Rustin: An Unsung Hero for Equality

February 24, 2013
The State of Equality and Justice in America" is a 20-part series of columns written by an all-star list of contributors to commemorate the 50th Anniversary of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law.

The contributors include: U. S. Rep. John Lewis (D-Ga.) LCCRUL 50th Anniversary Grand Marshal; Ms. Barbara Arnwine, President and Executive Director, Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law (LCCRUL); Mr. Charles Ogletree, Professor, Harvard University Law School/Director, Charles Hamilton Houston Institute for Race and Justice; the Rev. Jesse L. Jackson Sr., President/CEO, Rainbow/PUSH Coalition; the Rev. Joseph Lowery, Co-founder, Southern Christian Leadership Conference; U. S. Rep. Yvette Clarke (D-N.Y.); and 14 additional thought leaders and national advocates for equal justice.

Here's the seventh op-ed of the series:

The State of Equality and Justice in America:
"Bayard Rustin: An Unsung Hero for Equality"

By Benjamin Todd Jealous and Chad Griffin

ben jealous

Ben Jealous

chad griffin

Chad Griffin

(TriceEdneyWire.com) - A decade before Rosa Parks' arrest for refusing to give up her seat on a Montgomery, Ala. bus, police dragged Bayard Rustin off a bus in Tennessee for the same act of protest. When pressed about why he was resisting segregation, Rustin gestured to a young White boy seated at the front of the bus. "If I sit in the back," Rustin said, "I am depriving that child of the knowledge that there is injustice here, which I believe is his right to know."

Bayard Rustin, an often unsung hero of the civil rights movement, spent his entire life exposing injustice in our nation. Even before he served as lead organizer of the 1963 March on Washington where Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. declared his dream, Rustin was labeled a Communist and a radical by the government. When he traveled to the segregated South during the first-ever Freedom Rides, he experienced a barrage of racial slurs and violence.

But in America, in the 1950s and 60s, no label stuck to Bayard Rustin quite like "homosexual." As an openly gay man, Rustin was attacked by everyone - Congressmen and activists, Black and White - simply for living openly. Yet, at a time when few others would, Rustin proudly wore that label.

To Bayard Rustin, fighting for his equality as a Black man, while leaving his identity as a gay man unspoken, would have been an unthinkable betrayal. It was his firm belief that silence about either identity meant he accepted the system of discrimination that allowed hatred about both to persist.

Long before it was easy or safe, Rustin was motivated to live openly. He could have hidden the fact that he was gay. When confronted about it, he could have lied - that's what everyone did in those days. But Bayard Rustin was exceptional. He lived openly because to do otherwise would be a missed opportunity in exposing the injustice and intolerance that he, along with other members of the Lesbian, Gay, Bi-sexual, and Transgender (LGBT) communities experienced.

Despite a lifetime lived in service to justice and nonviolence, Rustin's legacy was marginalized by his sexuality. His 1987 New York Times obituary demonstrated the evasive language about LGBT people that was all too common in the media just a few short years ago. The obituary skirted the topic of his being gay and referred to his longtime partner by euphemism only. Even today, his name is not nearly as well known as the other greats of the Civil Rights Movement.

As America continues to celebrate Black History Month and as we ponder the state of equality and justice in America during this historic anniversary year for the fight for equality, we should not forget trailblazers like Rustin. Like Rustin's, let us uplift the stories of LGBT African-Americans who felt and still feel the burdens of discrimination - those whose very lives illustrate the insistent fact that the fight to treat all people equally is both this country's greatest accomplishment and its greatest unfinished obligation.

Today, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the nation's oldest civil rights organization, and the Human Rights Campaign, the nation's largest LGBT civil rights organization, are proud to work together toward equality. And we're proud that President Barack Obama used his second inaugural address to link the Civil Rights movement and the LGBT Equality movement just last month. But long before a president like Barack Obama was even possible, Bayard Rustin was preaching an equal future. We shouldn't forget his sacrifice, and the greatest tribute to his legacy would be to finish his work.

Benjamin Todd Jealous is president/CEO of the NAACP and Chad Griffin is president of the Human Rights Council. This article - the seventh of a 20-part series - is written in commemoration of the 50th Anniversary of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. The Lawyers' Committee is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization, formed in 1963 at the request of President John F. Kennedy to enlist the private bar's leadership and resources in combating racial discrimination and the resulting inequality of opportunity - work that continues to be vital today. For more information, please visit www.lawyerscommittee.org.

Top 10 Reasons Why People of Color Should Care About Sequestration

By Sophia Kerby

News Analysis

mother with child

Cuts to funding for critical medical research could endanger family health.
PHOTO: National Institute of Health

Special to the Trice Edney News Wire from the Center for American Progress

(TriceEdneyWire.com) - Thanks to congressional Republicans putting the economy in jeopardy during the debt ceiling debacle in the summer of 2011 and again in 2012, a package of automatic across-the-board spending cuts known as sequestration is set to go into effect on March 1, 2013.

Senate Democrats have proposed a balanced approach to resolve this crisis, urging congressional Republicans to avoid the damaging sequester cuts by accepting a package of more tax revenue with targeted spending cuts. But once again Republicans are threatening the economy by risking massive and harmful spending cuts that will hurt the middle class, damage the economy, kill hundreds of thousands of jobs, and harm the most economically vulnerable among us.

Sequestration will impact all Americans but will have a particularly harmful effect on communities of color, who were hit first and worst by the Great Recession and have yet to significantly feel the effects of the recovery. America’s demographics are changing, and communities of color are the fastest-growing group of Americans. It is important that we invest now in these communities, as we prepare for the nation’s economic future and upcoming workforce needs.

The driving focus should be on averting crises that slow the nation’s economy and instead, promoting policies that help all Americans.

Below are the top 10 reasons why communities of color should pay attention to sequestration and the impact it will have in these communities:

1. Deep cuts to long-term unemployment benefits will disproportionately affect people of color. Extended federal unemployment benefits remain vulnerable under sequestration, and the long-term unemployed—those out of work and searching for a new job for at least six months—could lose almost 10 percent of their weekly jobless benefits if the sequester cuts go into effect next week. These cuts will have a greater impact on people of color, as 10.5 percent of Latinos and a staggering 13.8 percent of blacks are unemployed, compared to only 7 percent of whites. What’s more, in 2011, 40 percent of unemployed Asians, 38 percent of unemployed blacks, and 28 percent of unemployed Latinos were unemployed for more than 52 weeks.

2. Workforce development programs that are vital to communities of color such as YouthBuild and Job Corps face significant cuts. YouthBuild, a program connecting low-income youth to education and training, could be cut by about 8 percent under sequestration. Coupled with previous federal appropriation cuts in fiscal year 2011 by 37 percent, the program could see about one-third of its federal funding cut between fiscal year 2010 and fiscal year 2013.  In 2010, 54 percent of YouthBuild participants were African American and 20 percent were Latino. Job Corps, an education and training program geared toward young adults, faces about $83 million in cuts in FY 2013 under sequestration. In 2011, 72 percent of Job Corps participants were people of color.

3. Cuts to critical job-creating programs such as the Build America Bonds program are also on the chopping block. Build America Bonds, which were created in the 2009 stimulus bill, provides incentives for infrastructure investments through the tax code. Since its inception, the program has helped states and cities fund thousands of job-creating infrastructure projects at lower costs than traditional tax-exempt municipal bonds. Build America Bonds could see budget cuts of up to 7.6 percent, however, if sequestration goes through. Build America Bonds benefit all Americans, as more than $106 billion of Build America Bonds  have been issued by state and local governments in 49 states and the District of Columbia since the program started. Infrastructure investments stimulate employment in sectors that employ disproportionately high rates of workers of color, such as construction and public transit.  

4. Federal budget cuts under sequestration would quickly mean cuts to federal, state, and local public-sector jobs, which disproportionately employ women and African Americans. In 2011 employed African Americans comprised 20 percent of the federal, state, and local public-sector workforce, and women were nearly 50 percent more likely than men to work in the public sector. According to the Congressional Budget Office, scheduled cuts in federal spending were the primary driving force behind slow economic growth projected for this year, meaning thousands of lost jobs and cuts to federal contractors.  

5. Early child care funding could be cut by more than $900 million, impacting the thousands of children of color who benefit from these programs. Such cuts will mean 70,000 children will be kicked out of Head Start, a federal program that promotes the school readiness of children from low-income families from birth through age 5. Sixty percent of program participants are children of color.

6. Programs that directly help the most vulnerable families and children—such as the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children, or WIC—are threatened by sequestration. WIC serves as a supplemental food and nutrition program for low-income pregnant, breastfeeding, and postpartum women and for children under age 5. The program could be cut by $543 million — a devastating loss to the more than 450,000 people of color who benefit from its services.

7. Federal education funding cuts will disproportionately hurt students of color. If the sequester goes into effect, nearly $3 billion would be cut in education alone, including cuts to financial aid for college students and to programs for the most vulnerable youth—English language learners and those attending high-poverty, struggling schools—impacting 9.3 million students. Such cuts will affect key programs that receive federally funded grants such as Education for Homeless Children and Youth and federal work study. The lack of access to financial aid for people of color will further exacerbate the student debt rates in these communities. In the 2007-08 academic year, 81 percent of African-Americans and 67 percent of Latinos with a bachelor’s degree graduated with student debt, compared to 64 percent of their white peers. Cutting access to these vital financial aid programs will curtail the higher education aspirations of tens of thousands of students of color.

8. Cuts to critical medical research put patients at risk. The National Institutes of Health would lose $1.5 billion in medical research funding, meaning fewer research projects would be aimed at finding treatments and cures for diseases such as cancer and diabetes—both of which are among the leading causes of death for African Americans.

9. Since 2010 funding for housing has been cut by $2.5 billion, meaning any additional cuts would significantly hurt low-income families and communities. Many housing programs such as Section 8 Housing Assistance provide vouchers to low-income families for affordable housing in the private market. In 2011 Section 8 aided more than 2 million low-income families across the country. Data from 2008 indicate that 44 percent and 23 percent of public housing recipients are African American and Latino, respectively.

10. As the nation continues to endure a cold winter, programs such as the Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program, or LIHEAP, which helps bring down the cost of heating for low-income households, are crucial. The Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program, which helped about 23 million low-income people pay their winter heat bills, is in jeopardy of being cut in FY 2013. Low-income communities, which tend to disproportionately comprise of people of color, depend on such programs to make ends meet during these tough economic times.

In order to avoid significant damage to the U.S. economy—and particularly to communities of color across the country—congressional Republicans should agree to a balanced package to replace the sequester and its damaging cuts.

Sophia Kerby is the Special Assistant for Progress 2050 at the Center for American Progress.

Voting Rights Face New Supreme Court Challenge This Week

 
By Zenitha Prince

Voting_Rights_Sign
Special to the Trice Edney News Wire from the Afro American Newspaper.
(TriceEdneyWire.com) - The Voting Rights Act of 1965 will be on trial again this week when the United States Supreme Court hears Shelby County, Alabama v. Holder, on Feb. 27. It is a case that challenges the very heart of the law.

In April 2010, Shelby County, Ala., a largely White suburb of Birmingham, Ala., filed suit in federal court asking that Section 4 and 5 of the Voting Rights Act be declared unconstitutional.

Section 5 requires jurisdictions with a history of discrimination against minority voters to prove that any change in election law or practice “does not have the purpose and will not have the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color.” Any such changes have to be approved by federal authorities before they can be enacted. Section 4 provides the formula to determine which jurisdictions should be covered under the law.

Shelby County lawyers argued in their Supreme Court brief that Congress exceeded its constitutional authority in 2006 when it reauthorized Section 5 for another 25 years, saying that many of the barriers to the ballot box had been torn down or circumvented, negating the need for such burdensome requirements.

“Section 5 exacts a heavy, unprecedented federalism cost,” the plaintiff’s brief read. “And Section 4(b)’s coverage formula ‘differentiates between the States, despite our historic tradition that all the States enjoy equal sovereignty.’”

Voting rights groups are calling the case an attack on what has been the “most powerful and effective civil rights act in U.S. history,” according to Laura Murphy, director of the ACLU's Washington Legislative Office.

The ACLU and groups such as the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law and the NAACP Legal Defense Fund have filed amicus briefs or are representing other parties in the case. They refute Shelby County’s claim that voting discrimination has been lessened enough to justify the elimination of Section 5.

“Congress compiled a voluminous record, documenting the persistence of voting discrimination before it extended the Voting Rights Act…in 2006,” Steve Shapiro, ACLU’s legal director, said in a teleconference on Feb. 21.

“While there is no doubt that progress has been made since 1965, the last election vividly showed that voter suppression and voting discrimination are not just problems of the past but [also] problems of the present that continue to undermine our democratic process,” Shapiro added.

Barbara Arnwine, president and executive director of the Lawyers’ Committee, elaborated on some of the challenges to voting that Section 5 was instrumental in combatting.

“Just in the last year, because of Section 5, Texas was prevented from implementing redistricting plans that were adopted with discriminatory intent,” she said. Section 5 was also used to stymie Texas’ restrictive voter identification law that disproportionately disenfranchised young, elderly and minority voters; and to block Florida from reducing early and weekend voting hours, which have been traditionally used by minority voters.

“Section 5 is the great protector,” Arnwine said.

The advocates seemed confident that the Supreme Court would rule in their favour—the Supreme Court has upheld the law four times since 1965.

Shapiro said, “Section 5 is clearly constitutional and even a conservative court should uphold it if it is faithful to its own precedent."

Wilmington Ten’s Ben Chavis Aims to Mobilize 21st Century Youth

By Hazel Trice Edney

ben chavis

Dr. Chavis

(TriceEdneyWire.com) – Civil rights leaders across the nation described it as one of the most significant moments in the modern day Civil Rights Movement. That is when then North Carolina Gov. Beverly Perdue issued a pardon to the members of the legendary Wilmington Ten on Dec. 31, 2012.

But, even bigger than that moment may be what’s to come. Former Wilmington Ten member Dr. Benjamin Chavis, co-chair of the Hip Hop Summit Action Network with Russell Simmons, says he will now use the pardon as a catalyst to involve young people in the continued struggle for equality and justice in America. Chavis and a panel of current Civil Rights activists were slated to appear at the Howard University School of Communications this week for a Black History Month forum at WHUT, the university's TV station.

“Because of my work with Russell Simmons and the Hip Hop Summit Action Network, I know there are millions of young people who want to know what the freedom movement is all about, what the civil rights movement is all about,” Chavis said in an interview with the Trice Edney News Wire. “I see the exoneration and the pardon of innocence of the Wilmington 10 as a blessing from God. And when you’re blessed, you have to utilize those blessings. We plan to use this status that we’ve been given by history to help inspire a new generation of people to be active and supportive in the civil rights movement.”

In her Dec. 31st statement, Perdue used words with equivalence to a rebuke to a criminal justice system that has long discriminated again African-Americans.

“I have decided to grant these pardons because the more facts I have learned about the Wilmington Ten, the more appalled I have become about the manner in which their convictions were obtained,” said Perdue. “Justice demands that this stain finally be removed. The process in which this case was tried was fundamentally flawed. Therefore, as Governor, I am issuing these pardons of innocence to right this longstanding wrong.”

 In even stronger terms, Perdue condemned the blatantly racial activities that led to the convictions: “These convictions were tainted by naked racism and represent an ugly stain on North Carolina’s criminal justice system that cannot be allowed to stand any longer.”

In a nutshell, here is a description of the Wilmington Ten case according to reporter Cash Michaels of the Wilmington Journal:

“The Wilmington Ten - nine black males and one white female – were activists who, along with hundreds of black students in the New Hanover County Public School System, protested rampant racial discrimination there in 1971.

“In February 1971, after the arrival of Rev. Benjamin Chavis to help lead the protests, racial violence erupted, with white supremacist driving through Wilmington’s black community, fatally shooting people and committing arson.

“A white-owned grocery store in the black community was firebombed, and firemen came under sniper fire. It wasn’t until a year later that Rev. Chavis and the others were round up and charged with conspiracy in connection with the firebombing and shootings.

“The Ten were falsely convicted, and sentenced to 282 years in prison, some of which they all served.

“It wouldn’t be until 1977, after years of failed appeals in North Carolina courts, that the three state’s witnesses all recanted their testimonies, admitting that they perjured themselves,” the Wilmington Journal reports.

After much activism on their behalf, including Amnesty International which called the group “political prisoners of conscience;” and a CBS “60 Minutes” expose on the fabrication, they received a commutation of their sentences in 1978 and the U. S. Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals ultimately overturned all of the convictions citing prosecutorial misconduct violations of constitutional rights.

But, even after the appeals court directed the state to either retry the defendants or dismiss the charges, the state did nothing.

After nearly 32 years, Wilmington Journal Publisher Mary Alice Thatch, asked the National Newspaper Publishers Association, a federation of 200 Black-owned newspapers, to help pursue the pardons of innocence for the Wilmington Ten. After a series of NNPA stories, exposing court records that proved prosecutorial corruption, other media and civil rights organizations joined in the push for the declaration of absolute innocence, which was issued by Perdue.

The declaration of innocence finally cleared the names of Chavis, Connie Tindall, Jerry Jacobs, William Joe Wright, Anne Sheppard, Wayne Moore, Marvin Patrick, James McKoy, Willie Earl Vereen, and Reginald Epps.

Chavis, who served the longest sentence - five years and four months - says he never lost his faith in God throughout the ordeal. But he is now left with a haunting realization that many youths may never understand the hardships that were suffered for the freedoms they now cherish.

“This is the same dilemma that Nelson Mandela and the [African National Congress] had in South Africa. A whole generation of young people in South Africa, they’ve heard about the Apartheid regime, but don’t quite get the connection, similar to here in the United States,” he said. “So, to me I’m going to be a part of a global movement to not only build an awareness of the importance of the freedom movement, but stress that young people - while they’re young - should participate to transform their lives.”

Chavis, who worked with Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. as a teenager, is no novice at mobilization. He is a former executive director of the NAACP and served as national director of the 1995 Million Man March. 

Chavis says he will now “write more and speak more and be very, very active. I’m going to use my status in the movement to help renew, rebuild and revitalize the civil rights movement.”

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