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Civil Rights Leaders Upset Over Non-Voting Rights Act Hearing By James Wright

Feb. 9, 2015

Civil Rights Leaders Upset Over Non-Voting Rights Act Hearing
By James Wright
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President Johnson and Martin Luther King, Jr. at the signing of the Voting Rights Act on Aug. 6, 1965.

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 Congressional Black Caucus Chairman Congressman G. K. Butterfield (D-N.C.)
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Wade Henderson, President/CEO, Leadership Conference on Civil Rights

Special to the Trice Edney News Wire from the Afro American Newspaper

 (TriceEdneyWire.com) - Rep. Bob Goodlatte (R-Va.), chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, sparked controversy on Jan. 14 saying that, “The Voting Rights Amendment Act” – which would restore the pre-clearance requirement by the Justice Department for states mainly in the South – “is not necessary.” He has decided not to hold a hearing on the bill that would restore key elements of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and this has outraged African-American and civil rights leaders.

Goodlatte said the watered down Voting Rights Act (VRA) that is presently in effect protects voters from discrimination. But Rep. George Butterfield (D-N.C.), chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, disagrees. “I am deeply troubled that Goodlatte doesn’t think it is necessary to restore the Voting Rights Act,” Butterfield said. “We began this Congress very hopeful to build upon the bipartisan work of Reps. Jim Sensenbrenner (R-Wis.) and Jim Clyburn (D-S.C.). If this is indeed the position of the entire Republican Conference, then they have clearly drawn a line in the sand – one in which they are on the wrong side of.”

The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was signed into law by President Lyndon B. Johnson, a Democrat. It has been renewed with amendments by Presidents Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, and George W. Bush – all Republicans. However, the Supreme Court gutted Section 4B and 5 of the VRA that required states and local jurisdictions with a history of racial discrimination in voting to approve election law and practices with the Justice Department.

The court’s conservative majority said the VRA was outdated and that Congress should update it to reflect the changes that have taken place.

Wade Henderson, president and CEO of The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, also disagrees with Goodlatte’s decision. “Chairman Goodlatte has paid no attention to the rampant voting discrimination still happening throughout the country, most recently in the 2014 midterm elections,” Henderson said. “The now-weakened [VRA] lacks the ability to protect voters from discrimination before they are denied the right to vote. The remedies that the chairman says still exist are costly and time consuming to pursue through the courts and decisions in these cases often come long after voters have been excluded from elections that they have every right to participate in.”

Hilary Shelton, Washington NAACP bureau chief, said his group met with Goodlatte last year to discuss legislation to restore the VRA to its original form. “We made it clear that we supported hearings on the VRA and we have bipartisan support on this,” Shelton said. Shelton said that representatives of the Virginia NAACP, including those who live in Roanoke, a major city in Goodlatte’s district, met with him, too.

One of the arguments anti-VRA advocates make is the election and re-election of President Obama in 2008 and 2012, respectively. They say that minorities cannot be considered disenfranchised when the country, still majority White, elected an African-American to its top political position.

However, Kathleen Collier-Gonzalez, senior attorney and director of the voter protection for the Advancement Project, counters that view. “The measure of success is not the re-election of an African-American president,” she said. “You still have very serious problems in terms of people who don’t having ‘acceptable’ voting identification, and states reducing the early voting period and eliminating Sunday voting. As a matter of fact, I think there is a backlash because of our first African-American president.”

Shelton said it was because of the VRA that Obama became president and it should be preserved as a tool to help people become more involved in politics.

Collier-Gonzalez said government identification as the only acceptable form for citizens to be able to vote is similar to the poll taxes that some Southern states in the pre-Civil Rights era levied against its citizens with the subtle purpose of disenfranchising Blacks. She notes that many young people, seniors, and low-income citizens don’t have government identifications that are acceptable to voter registrars.

Butterfield is urging the House Republican leadership to override Goodlatte’s decision.

“I call on Speaker [John] Boehner, Majority Leader [Kevin] McCarthy and Majority Whip Steve Scalise to reverse this decision and make restoring the VRA a priority,” the representative said. “The weakening of the VRA left millions of Americans vulnerable to discriminatory state laws. To do nothing sends a terrible message, not only to minorities, but to anyone who believes the right to vote is essential to our democracy and way of life.”

Carter G. Woodson: A Man Beyond His Time by Zenitha Prince

Feb. 9, 2015

Carter G. Woodson: A Man Beyond His Time
By  Zenitha Prince
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Portrait of African-American historian Carter Godwin Woodson as a young man. (Photo/New River Gorge National River website, National Park Service, Department of the Interior, United States Government.)
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Black laborers on the U.S. Military Railroad in Northern Virginia, c. 1862 or 1863. (Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division, Civil War Photographs)

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Black women sewing at the Freedmen’s Union Industrial School, Richmond, Va. (Photo/From a sketch by Jas E. Taylor/ Public Domain)

Special to the Trice Edney News Wire from the Afro American Newspaper

(TriceEdneyWire.com) - Carter G. Woodson seemed born to defy the odds. The future father of Black history came into the world on Dec. 19, 1875, in New Canton, Va., during a time both of upheaval and promise. Twelve years before, President Lincoln had issued the Emancipation Proclamation, freeing Black slaves from centuries of cruel bondage. Ten years before, Confederate and Union forces—including Blacks—finally laid down their weapons, signalling the end of the Civil War and the demolition of the institution of slavery. And then came Reconstruction.

“Woodson was born in 1875 toward the end of the Black Reconstruction period—about 10 years of enhanced freedom for Black people,” said Alvin Thornton, professor of political science at Howard University. “I don’t think Carter Woodson would have been able to do what he did if he were not born during that period. Black people were able to do things—they were able to run for office, vote and seek educational opportunities.”

Under the political auspices of Radical Republicans, former slaves or “freedmen” became politically active. In Virginia and throughout the South, they joined organizations such as the pro-Republican Union League, holding conventions, and demanding universal male suffrage and equal treatment under the law, as well as demanding disfranchisement of ex-Confederates and the seizure of their plantations.

In fact, according to {The African-American Odyssey: Volume II, 4th Edition}, during the 1870s, about 1,465 Black men held political office in the South. Among the first to serve in the U.S. Congress were Rep. Robert C. DeLarge, of South Carolina; Rep. Jefferson Long, of Georgia; Sen. Hiram R. Revels, of Mississippi and several others.

It was during that time that Congress also passed the Civil Rights Act of 1875, which sought “to protect all citizens in their civil and legal rights.”

“Be it enacted,” the law read, “That all persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages, facilities, and privileges of inns, public conveyances on land or water, theaters, and other places of public amusement; subject only to the conditions and limitations established by law, and applicable alike to citizens of every race and color, regardless of any previous condition of servitude.”

But the time was also one of economic instability. Virginia, the site of many Civil War battles, had been devastated. Railroads and other infrastructure lay in ruins; once-proud plantations had been reduced to burnt-out carcasses. Scores of former slaves had no jobs and had to depend on the Freedmen’s Bureau for basics such as clothing, food, water and health care.

Woodson’s parents, James and Anne Eliza were former slaves and, like many of their peers, were abjectly poor. “Carter, one of nine children, said he often left the dinner table hungry and sought food in nearby woods. After he went to bed on Saturday nights, his mother washed the clothing he had been wearing so he could don clean clothes to church on Sundays,” author Burnis R. Morris writes in Woodson’s biography on the website of the Association for the Study of African American  Life and History (ASALH), which Woodson founded.

James Woodson, a Civil War veteran, learned carpentry from his father and did masonry for a living. It was a hard life, but unlike others, he refused to hire out his children to supplement the family income. Carter said his father “believed that such a life was more honorable than to serve one as a menial,” Morris cites.

Such dire straits meant Woodson had to work from an early age, however. He worked the family’s 5-6 acre farm, which was situated on poor land, but produced enough crops to feed the family. As a teen, when the family migrated to Huntington, W.Va., to take advantage of burgeoning opportunities, Woodson joined his older brother Robert in working to rebuild the railroad from Thurmond to Loup Creek; he also did a six-year stint in the coalfields at Nuttallburg, in Fayette County.

Woodson’s responsibilities gave him little time to take advantage of the free education then available to Blacks. After the Civil War, missionary and aid groups from the North worked with the Freedmen’s Bureau to build colleges, institutes and normal schools to educate former slaves throughout the South.

Beginning by offering elementary and secondary education after a decade Black colleges soon offered academic and trade course and professional and military training. In fact, one of the most enduring and widely recognized achievement of the Bureau was its creation of universal, public school systems.

Young Woodson’s had a spotty school attendance record, however; he attended only on days of rain and snow, when he was not needed to work the farm.

“To a large extent Woodson would be self-educated,” said Daryl Scott, executive director, ASALH.

It was not until 1895 – when Woodson was 18 – that he would enter high school—the all-Black Douglass High School in Huntington—but he graduated two years later.

“There was something innate about him,” said Thornton about Woodson’s ability to succeed in school despite the challenges.

Scott agreed. “When you realize that only 2 percent of Americans were graduating from high school at the turn of the 19th century, then you know this is a guy who truly believes in education and is driven by something out of the ordinary.”

In the fall of 1897, Woodson enrolled at Berea College in Kentucky. It was close to his Huntington, W.Va., home, but more than that, it was one of the few higher education institutions at the time that promoted interracial education. The experience would likely shape his views about race relations. He graduated in 1903.

Once again, Woodson seemed to be favored by time. Though born during Reconstruction, he came at its tail end when the Klu Klux Klan began to rise in power and influence, spreading hate and terror among the ex-slaves; he grew up at a time of growing post-war resentment among Whites still smarting from the complications of dealing with free labor; and he entered adulthood when conservative Democrats finally wrested control from the Radical Republicans, passing laws and constitutional amendments to disenfranchise African Americans though poll taxes and literacy tests, and to restore the idea of White supremacy by the entrenchment of Jim Crow segregation.

“Not long after Woodson leaves Berea, Kentucky passes a law that Blacks and Whites cannot be educated together,” Scott said. “If he (Woodson) had come a couple of years later, he would not have been able to matriculate there.”

While attending Berea, Woodson taught school in Winona, W.Va., and later served as principal of his high school alma mater.

In November 1903, he left for the Philippines to serve as a teacher and supervisor. The experience reinforced what would later form the basis of his life’s work in America.

“What he learned from that experience is that you have to teach people based on their own experiences. History is not simply Western; it’s not simply about elites; it’s about ordinary people and them knowing themselves,” Scott said.

After several more travels, Woodson returned home to continue his studies as a full-time student at the University of Chicago. His work at Berea was deemed unacceptable, but that didn’t stop him — he worked hard and earned his bachelor’s and master’s degrees simultaneously. It was there, according to A Life in Black History: Carter G. Woodson by Jacqueline Goggin, that Woodson began to pursue his passion for documenting Black history. In February 1908, he wrote W.E.B. DuBois with statistics about the Black Church because DuBois at the time had amassed research and publications about African- American achievement for scholarly research. It is believed, however, that he may have been deterred by his professors and eventually chose French diplomatic policy towards Germany for his dissertation.

With his advanced degrees from the University of Chicago, Woodson enrolled at Harvard University, and in 1912, became the second African American, after W.E.B. DuBois, to obtain a doctoral degree from the Ivy League school.

The accomplishment was an astonishing one in that time, especially for someone of Woodson’s background, Scott said.

“To talk about a Ph.D. was so rare…. So Woodson was a freak of nature,” the ASALH director said.

But life at Harvard was not without its challenges, historians said. Woodson had believed the institution to be a place that was liberal and racially enlightened. Instead, he found instructors were propagating the same, widely-touted misinformation about Black intellect and Black—therefore American—history, and some tried to dissuade him from his goal of rewriting the historical record.

“Harvard University has ruined more Negro minds than bad whiskey,” Woodson is quoted as saying later on.

After graduation Woodson continued to teach in Washington, D.C.—he had funded his education through teaching jobs at schools such as Armstrong Manual Training High School and eventually M Street High School, a high school for the District’s Black elite. It was at the M Street High School that Woodson introduced Black history into the schools’ curriculum. And, it is while teaching there that he defied his Harvard critics and others, publishing his first tome on African-American history, The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861, in 1915. He also travels to Chicago and establish the Association for the Study of Negro of Life and History (which later becomes the Association for the Study of African American Life and History.)

“He’s a high school teacher and what he presumes to do in establishing this association is take on the whole academy,” Scott said. “He was prepared to do intellectual combat with the leaders of the Western world and all the great universities who had insisted for generations that Black people have no history. And he wasn’t even a university professor.”

AFRO Archivist JaZette Marshburn contributed to this story.

Autobiography of Moorehouse Medical School Founder Wins NAACP Image Award

Feb. 8, 2015

Autobiography of Moorehouse Medical School Founder  Wins NAACP Image Award

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Special to the Trice Edney News Wire from the Sullivan Alliance

(TriceEdneyWire.com)  – The autobiography of one of the nation’s most admired public health and educational leaders has won an NAACP Image Award. 

Authored by Louis W. Sullivan, M.D. (with David Chanoff), and published by the University of Georgia Press, Breaking Ground: My Life in Medicine” chronicles Sullivan’s rise from a childhood in the Jim Crow South to become a physician, founding dean of Morehouse School of Medicine - the first predominantly Black medical school established in the 20th Century -- and to serve as secretary of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services in the Cabinet of President George H.W. Bush from 1989-1993.

The annual NAACP Image Awards celebrates the accomplishments of people of color in literature, film, television, and music and also honors individuals or groups who promote social justice through creative endeavors.

Winners in the 46th NAACP Image Awards literary categories were announced at a gala dinner in Pasadena, Calif. Thursday, February 5.

Louis W. Sullivan, M.D., is chairman of the board of the National Health Museum in Atlanta, which goal is to improve the health of Americans by enhancing health literacy and advancing healthy behaviors.  He also is chairman of the Washington, D.C.-based Sullivan Alliance to Transform the Health Professions -- a national non-profit organization with a community-focused agenda to diversify and transform health professions’ education and health delivery systems.

As Secretary of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Dr. Sullivan worked to improve the health and health behavior of Americans including (1) leading the effort to increase the National Institutes of Health (NIH) budget from $8.0 billion in 1989 to $13.1 billion in 1993; (2) establishing at NIH, the Office of Research on Minority Health, which has become the Institute for Research on Minority Health and Health Disparities; (3) inaugurating the Women’s Health Research Program at NIH; (4)  the introduction of a new, improved Food and Drug Administration food label; (5) the release of Healthy People 2000, a guide for improved health promotion/disease prevention activities; (6) educating the public regarding the health dangers from tobacco use; (7) leading the successful effort to prevent the introduction of “Uptown,” a non-filtered, mentholated cigarette; (8) inaugurating a $100 million minority male health and injury prevention initiative;  and (9) implementing greater gender and ethnic diversity in senior positions of HHS, including the appointment of the first female director of NIH, the first female (and first Hispanic) Surgeon General of the U.S. Public Health Service, the first African American Commissioner of the Social Security Administration, and the first African-American Administrator of the Health Care Financing Administration (now the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services).

Dr. and Mrs. E. Ginger Sullivan are sponsors of The Sullivan 5K Run/Walk for Health & Fitness  on Martha’s Vineyard. Now in its 26th year, the popular event has raised more than $400,000 to benefit Martha’s Vineyard Hospital.

Dr. Sullivan is the recipient of more than 60 honorary degrees, including an honorary doctor of medicine degree from the University of Pretoria in South Africa. He is also the author of The Morehouse Mystique: Becoming a Doctor at the Nation’s Newest African American Medical School (with Marybeth Gasman, 2012, Johns Hopkins University Press).

Diagnosis and Treatment of Congenital Heart Defects

Feb. 9, 2015

Diagnosis and Treatment of Congenital Heart Defects

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Stock Photo

Special to the Trice Edney News Wire from the Afro American Newspaper

(TriceEdneyWire.com) - Severe heart disease generally becomes evident during the first few months after birth. Some babies are blue or have very low blood pressure shortly after birth. Other defects cause breathing difficulties, feeding problems, or poor weight gain.

Minor defects are most often diagnosed on a routine medical check-up. Minor defects rarely cause symptoms. While most heart murmurs in children are normal, some may be due to defects. Black babies were more likely to die from congenital heart defects than were non-Hispanic Whites in recent studies reported by the American Heart Association and the Centers for Disease Control.

If the heart problem is significant, the child’s pediatrician will likely refer the child to a pediatric cardiologist. Pediatric cardiologists are trained to diagnose and treat heart problems in infants, children, and young adults. They have the training and equipment to find out what tests and treatments the child will need, and how often the child will need heart checkups in the future.

In Adults

For pregnant women, the American Heart Association recommends maintaining a healthy pregnancy weight, monitoring and measuring diabetes, and taking prescribed prenatal vitamins and minerals, especially folic acid. For adults who believe they may have a heart defect, it is important to visit a cardiologists who can evaluate their medical history and perform a physical exam. Physicians may also order an electrocardiogram (called an EKG or ECG), chest X-ray, or an echocardiogram (ultrasound movie of the heart). A ventricular septal defect can lead to heart failure, high blood pressure in the lungs (pulmonary hypertension), infection of the heart (endocarditis), irregular heartbeats (arrhythmias), and delayed growth. Small holes may heal on their own or cause no symptoms. Larger holes may require surgery to stitch the hole closed or to cover the hole with a patch.

For more information about congenital heart defects, visit the American Heart Association website at www.heart.org

We Must Change by James Clingman

Feb. 8, 2015

Blackonomics

We Must Change    
By James Clingman 

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(TriceEdneyWire.com) - There comes a time in the course of human events for persons who have been mistreated to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with those who mistreat them.  In the interest of self-respect and to claim the respect of others, after a long train of abuses, such persons have the right and the duty to throw off those who mistreat them and provide new guards for their future security. The Declaration of Independence

This country was established on the simple facts that people were being mistreated, they were tired of it, and they were not going to take it anymore.  One cannot help but admire people who come to the end of their rope, defiantly proclaim the truth about their condition, and then do something about it.

I long for the day when Black people finally get so tired of the abuse we suffer all over this country that we will decide to spend much more of our time, not trying to hurt someone else, but to use our resources to help ourselves.  Our plight is similar to that of the founders of this country.  The big difference: They were fed up and determined to make a change; we are just fed up.  They had to go to war, as we must do if we want change.  Our war must be revolutionary as well, but it must be fought with dollars rather than musket balls.

Our resolve must be the same as the Patriots.  We must “admit” our problem and then “commit” to doing what we have to do to get what say we want.  Why would we continue to hope and wish for change from people who have demonstrated no indication of their willingness to do so?  Check out how Patrick Henry put it:  I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience.  I know of no way of judging the future but by the past.  And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves…”

Henry knew he had to fight rather than hope and wish for change.  He asked his compatriots what would make them believe their captors would change.  “Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received?  Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet.”

Patrick Henry continued, “They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed…  Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction?  Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot?”

Henry reminded the people of their futile petitions, their arguments against oppression, their entreaties and supplications to the King.  He reminded them of their demonstrations, their protestations, and their humility, all rejected by the power structure.  He told them it was time to take things into their own hands and stop begging their oppressors to come to their rescue.  He said, “There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free… we must fight!  I repeat it, sir, we must fight!”  Until Black people decide to fight against negative external forces and our own internal economic recalcitrance, things will not change.

If we do not act upon the historical juxtaposition of David Walker’s Appeal and Patrick Henry’s words, we are doomed to permanent underclass status.  We must leverage our economic capacity against corporations that treat us like afterthoughts.  And, we must combine our intellectual and financial resources to build our own political, economic, educational, and social independence.  (Join the One Million Conscious Black Voters and Contributors movement by sending an email to This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.)

Having written this column for 22 years, I figured I’d let a white man do the talking this time.  That way more of our people will listen and act; because if a white man called for a revolt, it must be all right for a Black man to call for one.

So I leave you with Patrick Henry’s most famous words: “Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?  Forbid it, Almighty God!  I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!”

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