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NAACP Crilticizes CNN's Lack of African-Americans in New Lineup

NAACPCrilticizes CNN's Lack of African-Americans in New Lineup

Special to the Trice Edney News Wire from Target Market News

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NAACP President Benjamin Todd Jealous

(TriceEdneyWire.com) The NAACP expressed its profound disappointment today in Atlanta-based CNN for their newly announced prime time news lineup, which continues a multi-network trend, excluding African-Americans from prime time slots as anchors and hosts.
 
"As CNN announced their new schedule, a glaring omission was present -- no African Americans were hosts or anchors in their prime time lineup," stated NAACP President and CEO Benjamin Todd Jealous.  "The NAACP is deeply concerned with the lack of African American journalists in prime time news, both on cable and national network news shows. In the spirit of award-winning African American journalists, from W.E.B. Dubois to Ed Bradley, the NAACP feels it is critical to bring this disparity, and the broader trend reflected in the overall lack of people of color as prime time news anchors, to the attention of the top officials at all of the major broadcast and cable news stations."
 
Currently, there are no African American hosts or anchors on any national news show, cable or broadcast network, from the hours of 5PM-11PM.  The NAACP is especially troubled because these prime time slots are among the most influential in daily news.  Prime time hosts in cable often have the most latitude to express their opinions, and evening news anchors are traditionally seen as the most credible voices in weekday news broadcasts. CNN, Bloomberg News, CNBC, FOX News and MSNBC have shows scheduled every hour to discuss world news, financial news and political news, and occasionally have African-American commentators, but not one show in prime time is headlined or anchored by an African-American.
 
"The NAACP Hollywood Bureau will be setting up meetings with the presidents of the news divisions to address this issue," stated NAACP Hollywood Bureau Executive Director Vic Bulluck.  "Throughout the morning hours and during daytime programming, African-American journalists such as Robin Roberts, Al Roker, Roland Martin and Tamron Hall have anchor and commentator chairs; however, no African American occupies that space in the prime time evening news cycle. With all of the respected, major talent that is available, we find it perplexing that these talented journalists are not elevated to prime time and we intend to raise that concern in our meetings."
 
Jealous added, "We have come to expect this from the likes of Fox News, but not other networks.  While we understand that news is now a 24-hour cycle, most Americans get their news from the morning and evening prime time broadcasts. We recognize and appreciate that MSNBC often has guest hosts like the Reverend Al Sharpton, and CNN, CBS and NBC have weekend anchors like TJ Holmes, Don Lemon, Russ Mitchell and Lester Holt.  Nonetheless, we encourage all networks to acknowledge the talent that exists and to increase the diversity among their prime time anchors and hosts."

What If Casey Anthony Had Been Hispanic, Asian, or Black?

July 11, 2011

What If Casey Anthony Had Been Hispanic, Asian, or Black?

 Are there Inconsistencies in Ethnic and Class Media Coverage?

Special to the Trice Edney News Wire from the Afro American Newspapers

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(TriceEdneyWire.com) - The media’s obsession with the Casey Anthony murder trial has brought attention to an unspoken and significant question: If Casey’s daughter had been Black, Hispanic or Asian, would the case have garnered as much attention?

Known as “tot mom” by HLN’s host Nancy Grace, Casey Anthony was acquitted July 5 of a first-degree murder charge, which left viewers across the country puzzled and angry that no one had been held responsible for the death of two-year-old Caylee Anthony. Some news outlets questioned the trial’s overwhelming coverage and said race and social status played a major role in a case that saturated social media.

The International Business Times (IBT) was shocked that the Casey Anthony trial drew as much attention as it did because significant elements that attract spectators were not there.

Anthony lacked “wealth, celebrity and good looks,” which are qualities the tabloid media craves, according to IBT. The site called Caylee an “adorable child” and her mother “plain-looking.”

“They didn’t appear to be an affluent family, though not exactly poor either,” IBT stated. “Overall, it seems to be an ordinary, mundane (white) American family in which an unspeakable crime has occurred.”

IBM said a similar case involving beauty queen JonBenet Ramsey in the 1990s had the elements on which mainstream media thrives.

“That tale had virtually everything a tawdry tabloid market demanded – a horrifying murder of an innocent child; attractive wealthy parents (including an ex-beauty queen mother and millionaire businessman father)…,” the news agency stated.

“Oh, and they were White.”

David Hazinski, a former NBC News correspondent who teaches broadcast journalism at the University of Georgia, said the media disproportionately covers other races in missing person’s cases.

“When was the last time you heard something about a 23-year-old Black female who was missing on NBC or ‘World News Tonight’?” Hazinski asked MSNBC.com. “I think in general we just really don’t hear about Latin or Black or Asian people who are missing.”

“I’m not sure why.”

Instead of race, gender may be the reason for the heavy coverage of the Casey Anthony, according to Roy Peter Clark, vice president of the Poynter Institute for Media Studies in St. Petersburg, Fla.

“There are several common threads,” Clark told MSNBC.com. “The victims that get the most coverage are female rather than male. They are White, in general, rather than young people of color. They are at least middle class, if not upper middle class.”

Clark said the media’s coverage of cases reflects how society views different races, sexes.

“In many, many cities going back 50, 75 years or more, journalists would refer to ‘good murders’ and ‘bad murders,’” Clark said.

When covering police stories, Clark said there is “this perverted, racist view of the world. White is good; Black is bad. Blonde is good; dark is bad. Young is good; old is bad. And I think we can find versions of this story going back to the tabloid wars of more than a hundred years ago.”

Casey Anthony was acquitted of the murder charges but was sentenced to four years in prison for lying to police officers during the case. With time already served in jail while awaiting the murder trial and good behavior while incarcerated, she is expected to be released July 17.

Obama Denies Bachmann Charge That He Has Failed African-Americans, Latinos on Jobs by Hazel Trice Edney

Obama Denies Bachmann Charge That He Has Failed African-Americans, Latinos on Jobs

By Hazel Trice Edney

obamareflective(TriceEdneyWire.com) – President Barack Obama, in what was likely his first direct defense pertaining to the question of the high unemployment rate among Blacks and Latinos, says Republicans who accuse him of failing on jobs are playing politics.

Responding to questions from radio talk show host Joe Madison, president Obama all but scoffed at a recorded statement by Tea Party darling Rep. Michele Bachman (R-Minn.), a presidential candidate.

“This president has failed the Hispanic Community. He has failed the African-American community. He has failed us all when it comes to jobs,” she said in a recent speech.

“I think that’s politics. Ms. Bachman wants to run for president, so that’s pretty much boiler language for all of the Republicans right now,” Obama said. “Everyone in the African-American community, the Latino community and across the country understands we’ve had to dig ourselves out of hole that was created by their policies. The question now is how do we move forward. ”

Obama blamed Republican lawmakers who he says have “tried to stop every initiative we’ve put on the table” on job creation and haven’t “put forth a pro-active vision” on how to move forward.

Obama was also quick to point to the financial mess left by former Republican President George Bush only two-and-a-half years ago.

“Obviously we’ve gone through two of the toughest years we’ve had in our life times – economically with the financial crisis and huge recession, we’re just now making our way back and the economy is growing again but it is growing at a slow pace.

“I’m much less interested in and I think the American people are much less interested in just name-calling and much more interested in how do we concretely allow ourselves to compete with all these other countries,” Obama said.

The unemployment rates for African-Americans has remained in the teens - twice that of Whites and well-above the national average - before and during the Obama Administration. Latino unemployment has remained slightly lower than African-Americans, but also well above Whites and the national average.

Obama said he is currently dealing with some underlying issues that will lead to an increase in job creation. One of those issues is the decline in manufacturing, he said. Discussing a new jobs creation initiative called the Advance Manufacturing Partnership, he said the first step is to train workers and invest in basic science and research.

Joe "The Black Eagle" Madison is a 30-year talk radio veteran, who airs daily on Sirius XM Channel 128 and on WOL-AM 1450 in Washington, D.C. Madison pressed Obama on whether Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) will participate in the new partnership.

The President Responded, “Let’s get top universities, community colleges, higher education across the board, including HBCUs, and figure out how are we going to train the engineers, the computer scientists, etc. who are going to be creating these jobs. But also, how are we going to train students at a community college so they can operate a robot and make money?”

As an example, the President pointed to how auto manufacturers – historically among the top employers of Black workers - are now making profits, which they haven’t in a decade. Just like the competitiveness within the automobile industry, other industries such as clean energy, robotics, and biotechnology will follow suit, he said.

“America still has to have a strong manufacturing base in order for the economy to be successful and we’ve got to look at where the jobs of the future are going to come in manufacturing,” Obama said. “And everybody’s got to participate.”

New Orleans' Danziger Trial Recalls Katrina Police Shooting Nightmare

New Orleans' Danziger Trial Recalls Katrina Police Shooting Nightmare

Special to the Trice Edney News Wire from the Louisiana Weekly

NEW ORLEANS (TriceEdneyWire.com) - The first four days of testimony in the Danziger Bridge shooting case gave jurors and the public a glimpse into the horrific incident that took place on the eastern New Orleans bridge just days after Hurricane Katrina.

Among those who testified over the first four days June 27-30 were shooting victims, an officer whose radio call sent cops to the bridge and several NOPD officers who have already entered guilty pleas and agreed to cooperate with federal prosecutors.

New Orleans police officers decided to “shoot first and ask questions later” when they gunned down two unarmed people and wounded four others on a bridge in Hurricane Katrina’s aftermath, a federal prosecutor said Monday during opening statements for a trial spotlighting one of the epic storm’s most notorious episodes.

The jury heard a vastly different account of the encounter on the Danziger Bridge from lawyers for five current or former officers charged in the deadly shootings. Defense attorneys said their clients feared for their lives and were justified in using deadly force.

“They stayed,” said Paul Fleming, a lawyer for former officer Robert Faulcon. “They didn’t desert. They didn’t go work other jobs. They stayed and did the best they could.”

Justice Department attorney Bob­bi Bernstein said police plotted to plant a gun, fabricate witnesses and falsify reports to cover up “atrocities” and tried to use Katrina’s chaotic conditions as an excuse for gaps in their investigation.

“They lied because they knew they committed a crime,” Bern­stein said. “They lied because they knew police officers were not allowed to shoot first and ask questions later.”

Faulcon, Sgts. Robert Gisevius and Kenneth Bowen and Officer Anthony Villavaso are charged in the shootings, which killed 17-year-old James Brissette and 40-year-old Ronald Madison, who was severely mentally disabled. Retired Sgts. Arthur Kaufman and Gerard Dugue are charged in the alleged cover-up, but Dugue will be tried separately from the other five who were indicted last year on federal civil rights charges.

Five other former officers already have pleaded guilty to participating in a cover-up to make the shootings appear justified. They are cooperating with the government and are expected to testify during the trial, which could last up to eight weeks.

The shootings broke out on the morning of Sept. 4, 2005, less than a week after the storm’s landfall. A group of police officers working out of a makeshift station piled into a Budget rental truck and drove to the bridge after hearing a radio call that other officers had taken fire.

Bernstein said Brissette was walking on the east side of the bridge with a friend, Jose Holmes, and several of Holmes’ relatives, when the officers pulled up in the truck and started firing at them, sending them scrambling for cover behind a concrete barrier. Holmes was lying wounded on the ground when Bowen walked up, pointed a gun at his stomach and fired a shot, according to the prosecutor.

“Jose clenched his stomach, and he reminded himself to breathe. And then Jose began to pray,” Bernstein said.

Holmes survived, but Brissette died on the east side of the bridge. On the west side, Faulcon allegedly shot Madison in the back with a shotgun as he and his brother, Lance Madison, were running away from the gunfire. Ronald Madison was lying on the ground when Bowen walked over and asked a fellow officer, “Is that one of them?” before he repeatedly stomped on the dying man, Bernstein said.

“Those words will tell you why he did what he did,” Bernstein said.

The officers have claimed they opened fire only after being shot at. They point to testimony less than a month after the shootings by Lance Madison, who said a group of teenagers started firing at him and his brother before they encountered police.

Fleming said the officers acted reasonably under dangerous circumstances, believing other officers already had been shot on the bridge before they arrived.

“Two officers dead or dying was what these officers had in their minds when they raced out there,” Fleming said.

Bernstein said the officers’ accounts of their actions, which they gave in taped interviews with police investigators, are contradicted by grainy footage shot by an NBC cameraman who was filming the incident.

“That tape is going to be an important piece of evidence for you,” she told jurors.

Police recovered no guns from the bridge that day, but Kaufman allegedly retrieved a gun from his garage and turned it in to the department’s evidence room six weeks after the shootings, trying to pass it off as a gun found at the scene. Bernstein described the cover-up as “ridiculously sloppy.”

“They were cavalier because they didn’t think they had to bother dotting any i’s or crossing any t’s,” she said.

Former NOPD Lt. Michael Lohman spent a grueling day first walking the prosecution through his versions of the events on the Danziger Bridge that left two citizens shot dead and four wounded, and then sparring with defense attorneys over his testimony, The Associated Press reported.

Lohman, the ranking officer on Sept. 4, 2005, when police killed 40-year-old Ronald Madison, a mentally disabled man, and 17-year-old James Brissette, defended his assertion that officers overreacted and then worked to cover up the shooting of unarmed people on the bridge as one defense attorney after another questioned his motives and his memory.

Remorse and the realization that the government had the truth about what happened on the bridge and the following cover-up prompted him to accept a deal to testify for the prosecution, Lohman testified.

The defense questioned that motivation.

Lohman faces a maximum of five years in prison when he is sentenced, a fact defense attorneys seized on during his cross-examination. Steve London, Kaufman’s lawyer, pointed out that Lohman was “looking at 25 to 30 years” before making his deal.

London also questioned Lohman on why he added Kaufman’s name to a false report, asking if he intended to make it look as if Kaufman had written it.

“I wasn’t trying to make it look like Kaufman wrote that,” Lohman said. “We were working on it together. I didn’t go off by myself and write this.”

Lohman said he went along with the cover-up because he did not want anyone to get into trouble, but London implied a different reason Kaufman’s name was on the documents.

“You actually hate Sgt. Kaufman, don’t you?” London asked.

“No,” Lohman responded. “We had disagreements, but I would not say it was a hate relationship.”

For the most part, Lohman remained poised during the long day of testimony, answering calmly, frequently addressing the jury directly. An exception was during cross examination by Paul Fleming who represents Faulcon. When asked what he evidently considered a repetitive question, Lohman snapped, “Pay attention, yes,” which earned him a dressing down from the judge.

Lohman said the gunfire had stopped by the time he arrived at the bridge. He testified that Bowen told him residents had fired at officers before they shot.

Bowen also allegedly told Lohman that Madison was seen reaching into his waistband before he was shot. No guns were recovered from Madison or Brissette, however.

Lohman said he assigned Kaufman to investigate the shootings but knew the goal of the probe would be to justify the officers’ actions, despite his misgivings.

“I felt things had gone wrong on the bridge that day and inappropriate actions had been taken,” Lohman said.

Lohman said he and Kaufman discussed a plan to plant a gun. Kaufman allegedly assured him the planted gun couldn’t be traced back to police or a crime scene. Prosecutors say Kaufman took a gun from his garage and turned it into the evidence room, trying to pass it off as a gun found at the scene.

Lohman said his commander, Capt. Robert Bardy, asked him general questions about the shootings, but did not press for details and Lohman said he never provided any.

“I guess you could say I was untruthful with him,” he said.

Officer Jennifer Dupree, the police officer whose frantic radio call led to a deadly encounter between police and residents on Danziger Bridge testified Wednesday that she heard gunfire and saw two armed men before she summoned help, The Associated Press reported.

Dupree, a government witness in the federal trial of five current or former officers charged in the fatal shootings and an alleged cover-up, said she heard the shots and saw two men with guns running away while she and other officers were on a high-rise bridge that runs parallel to the Danziger Bridge.

A group of officers who responded to Dupree’s “108” call — a code signaling an officer’s life is in danger — shot and killed two people and wounded four others on the Danziger Bridge.

“Did you ever put it out on the radio that an officer was down?” Justice Department attorney Bobbi Bernstein asked.

“No,” Dupree responded.

Prosecutors say officers on the Danziger Bridge shot unarmed people who never posed a threat, but defense attorneys have claimed the officers only opened fire after they were shot at, possibly by people who weren’t shot or apprehended.

On the morning of Sept. 4, 2005, less than a week after Katrina’s landfall, Dupree and other officers were driving east on the Interstate 10 high-rise bridge over the Industrial Canal when they saw a caravan of vehicles parked on the highway. A man wearing a St. Landry Parish Sheriff’s Office shirt flagged the officers down.

“Get down! They’re shooting at us!” the man yelled, according to Dupree.

Dupree testified that she heard several shots, got out of her vehicle, looked over the side of the bridge and saw four men, two of whom had guns. She said she ducked and heard a few more shots before her supervisor told her to call for help.

After making the radio call, Dupree said she saw the two men with guns — one wearing a red T-shirt and another wearing a black shirt and black backpack — running toward the Danziger Bridge. She said she didn’t fire at them because they were too far away and had their backs turned to her.

“They weren’t a threat to me,” she said.

From atop the high-rise bridge, she saw a rental truck pull up on the east side of the Danziger Bridge and heard a barrage of gunfire. She didn’t immediately realize the men getting out of the rental truck were officers responding to her call.

Prosecutors showed jurors excerpts of a grainy NBC news video shot by a cameraman from the high-rise bridge, showing Dupree running on the bridge as gunfire erupts on the other. At some point, another officer on the radio told her to “shut up” because “we have them.” Dupree recalled.

Prosecutors say former officer Robert Faulcon fatally shot 40-year-old Ronald Madison, a mentally disabled man, in the back on the west side of the bridge as he and his brother ran away from the gunfire on the east side of the bridge, where 17-year-old James Brissette had been shot and killed by police.

Lohman, who said he personally wrote a false report on the shooting, testified Wednesday that he never pressed the officers involved in the shooting to explain what happened on the bridge because they were intent on clearing everybody of wrongdoing.

Testifying Wednesday at the federal trial, Jose Holmes Jr. said he didn’t know police were shooting at him, a friend and several relatives as they tried to cross the Danziger Bridge in search of food less than a week after the devastating 2005 storm. Holmes, now 25, said the officers didn’t identify themselves or issue any warnings before they opened fire.

Holmes said he was lying down on his side behind the barrier when he was shot in his left arm. When a man leaned over the barrier and pointed the barrel of a gun at his stomach, Holmes said he looked away.

“I tried to brace myself for the shot, kind of tightened my stomach up,” he said. “Then he shot me twice. … I paced my breathing because I thought if I panicked, I might die.”

Holmes recalled praying to survive and thinking, “Man, they really want me dead.”

His friend, 17-year-old James Brissette, was shot and killed by police on the east side of the bridge. His aunt, Susan Bartho­lo­mew, lost her arm in the shooting. Holmes’ uncle and a cousin also were wounded. Police also shot and killed 40-year-old Ronald Madison, a mentally disabled man, on the west side of the bridge. Sgts. Kenneth Bowen and Robert Gisevius, Officer Anthony Villava­so and former officer Robert Faulcon are charged in the shootings. Retired Sgt. Arthur Kaufman, who was assigned to investigate the shootings, is charged with covering up what happened.

Holmes said no one in his group was armed that morning.

“Did you see anyone shoot at the police that day?” Justice Depart­ment attorney Barbara Bern­stein asked.

“No, ma’am,” the soft-spoken, reed-thin Holmes responded.

Prosecutors say police plotted to plant a gun, fabricate witnesses and falsify reports to make the shootings appear justified.

Holmes, whose testimony resumed Thursday, was shot in the stomach, jaw, arm, abdomen and elbow. At the prosecution’s direction, he lifted his shirt and showed jurors his gruesome scars.

Holmes said a nurse who treated him in the hospital “kept insinuating that I was shooting at helicopters.” Unable to speak at the time, he said he merely shook his head, figuring she got that idea from police.

“But she still took really good care of you?” Bernstein asked.

“Yes, ma’am,” he said.

Gisevius’ attorney, Eric Hessler, asked Holmes if he recalled telling the FBI that the man who shot him in the stomach jumped over the barrier rather than leaned over. Prosecutors have said Bowen leaned over the barrier and fired shots at wounded people.

“What is the truth?” Hessler asked.

“What I remember is someone leaning over and shooting me in my stomach,” Holmes said.

“I tried to brace myself for the shot, kind of tightened my stomach up,” he said. “Then he shot me twice. … I paced my breathing because I thought if I panicked, I might die.”

Holmes recalled praying to survive and thinking, “Man, they really want me dead.”

His friend, 17-year-old James Brissette, was shot and killed by police on the east side of the bridge. His aunt, Susan Bartholo­mew, lost her arm in the shooting. Holmes’ uncle and a cousin also were wounded. Police also shot and killed 40-year-old Ronald Madison, a mentally disabled man, on the west side of the bridge.

Holmes said no one in his group was armed that morning.

Ignatius Hills told prosecutors last week that he didn’t feel like a hero when cheering supporters greeted him and six other New Orleans police officers outside the jail where they were booked in January 2007 on charges stemming from the Danziger Bridge shootings.

Hills, now a key witness in the Justice Department’s case against five other current or former officers charged in the Danziger Bridge shootings, testified Thursday that he had fired two shots at the back on a fleeing teenager because he was scared.

He also said he subsequently participated in a cover-up to clear him and other officers of wrongdoing.

Federal prosecutor Theodore Carter showed Hills a photograph of him walking past a sign that said, “Heroes,” as he and others of the so-called Danziger Seven surrendered in 2007 to face state charges of murder and attempted murder.

“Were you a hero?” Carter asked.

“No,” Hills said. “There wasn’t anything heroic about what transpired on the bridge that day.”

Prosecutors say police shot six unarmed people, killing two, and then embarked on a cover-up that included a plot to plant a gun, fabricate witnesses and falsify reports to make the shootings appear justified.

On the morning of Sept. 4, 2005, less than a week after Katrina’s landfall, Hills and other officers piled into a rental truck and drove to the bridge in response to an officer’s distress call.

“It was pretty much intense,” he said. “There wasn’t much, if any, talking.”

Hills said he was in the back of the moving truck when he heard a barrage of high-powered gunfire. When the truck stopped, Hills saw a teenage boy run past the truck, away from the gunfire on the bridge.

From the back of the truck, Hills said, he fired two shots at the boy’s back “out of fear,” but missed his target.

“Did this individual do anything to threaten you?” Carter asked. “No,” Hills said, adding that he knows he wasn’t justified to shoot at someone simply because he was afraid.

Hills said he waited until the gunfire died down before he got out. He saw five gunshot victims on the ground behind a concrete barrier. One of them, 17-year-old James Brisssette, was dead. Another victim, Susan Bartho­lomew, had a shattered arm amid the pooling blood.

“It was a pretty horrific scene,” he said.

Hills said Sgt. Kenneth Bowen, one of the officers on trial, overheard him asking whether any guns were found on the victims. Bowen said he kicked the guns off the bridge, Hills testified.

“Did you believe him?” Carter asked.

“Absolutely not,” Hills said.

Officer Taj Magee, who arrived after the shootings, testified Thursday that he was disappointed but suspicious when he searched for guns near the bridge and didn’t find any.

“After walking the scene and not finding anything, I kind of didn’t want to know (about the shootings) after that,” he said.

Prosecutors say retired Sgt. Arthur Kaufman, who was as­signed to investigate the shootings, later retrieved a gun from his home and turned it into the evidence room, trying to pass it off as a gun recovered at the scene.

On the west side of the bridge, police fatally shot 40-year-old Ronald Madison, a mentally disabled man, in the back as he and his brother, Lance Madison, ran from the gunfire on the other side.

Lance Madison was arrested that day on eight counts of attempted murder of police officers, then released three weeks later without being indicted. Prosecutors say neither of the Madison brothers was armed.

“To arrest Lance Madison was very suspicious,” Hills told the court.

Hills said he later attended a meeting with Kaufman and other officers who fired on the bridge. Kaufman told them to “basically get your stories straight” before they gave taped interviews with police investigators, Hills said.

Hills said he lied in his taped statement when he claimed to see the teenage boy reach toward a shiny object in his waistband before he shot at him. Under cross-examination, however, Hills said Kaufman never told him what to say during his interview.

Eric Hessler, a lawyer for one of the officers on trial, asked Hills if he felt any pressure to change his story once he began cooperating with the Justice Department to give prosecutors more fodder to use against other officers.

“Not at all,” Hills said. “It’s real easy to tell the truth.”

The state charges against Hills and other Danziger Seven members were dismissed in 2008.

Hills is one of five former officers who have pleaded guilty to participating in a cover-up. He faces up to eight years in prison when he’s sentenced. The trial was scheduled to resume July 5.

Black Migration Changes Political Landscape in Many States by Nadra Kareem Nittle

July 3, 2011

Black Migration Changes Political Landscape in Many States

By Nadra Kareem Nittle


Special to the Trice Edney News Wire from America's Wire

LOS ANGELES (TriceEdneyWire.com) —African-Americans once were clustered so heavily in urban areas that the terms “Black” and “inner city” came to be used almost synonymously. According to the 2010 U.S. Census results, that time is history.

While Blacks have by no means vanished from cities, unprecedented numbers have headed for the suburbs or left the big cities of the North and headed south. As legislative districts are redrawn, nonpartisan groups and both political parties are watching how this unexpected migration will affect local and state elections.

Moreover, redistricting experts say the Black exodus from cities such as Detroit, Cleveland and Philadelphia contributed to placing Michigan, Ohio and Pennsylvania among the 10 states that will lose congressional seats because of reapportionment after the census. With Republican governors in 29 states, the GOP has greater influence over redistricting than Democrats.

But it is unclear whether the migration of African-American voters will change the number of congressional districts where Black candidates can win. Rob Richie, executive director of FairVote, based in Takoma Park, Md., notes that Republicans often join civil rights leaders in supporting African-American legislative districts rather than creating politically diverse districts where the Black vote could decide close elections.

“Republicans have a political interest in concentrating the African-American vote,” Richie says. “When Blacks are concentrated, they can’t have their votes in as many districts. It’s a trade-off.”

Experts on redistricting foresee multicultural coalitions emerging in formerly all-Black communities and people of color eventually gaining more political clout in suburbs and exurbs.

In California, the independent Citizens Redistricting Commission will carve out the state’s electoral districts for the first time. Voters authorized having a nonpartisan board, not legislators, delineate these districts in passing the Voters First Act (Proposition 11) in 2008. To ensure that new districts don’t dilute Black voting power, grass-roots organizations mobilized to present the commission with recommendations for keeping communities of color intact. New district lines must be drawn by Aug. 15.

Although Black flight from California cities is changing demographics, experts say that is unlikely to shake up the state’s political scene.

“The 2010 census showed that there has been a drift of the Black population away from the coastal areas to more inland areas in California,” says Michelle Romero, a fellow at The Greenlining Institute, which is based in Berkeley and advocates for racial and economic justice. “But fortunately in Los Angeles, there’s the potential to build multi-ethnic coalitions of voters after this new redistricting cycle.”

From 2000 to 2010, the Black population in Los Angeles County dropped from 9.8 percent to 8.7 percent, according to census findings. In Alameda County, which includes Oakland and other San Francisco Bay areas, the drop was from 14.9 percent to 12.6 percent.

Erica Teasley Linnick, coordinator of the African-American Redistricting Collaborative in Los Angeles, doesn’t view Black migration from California’s urban cores as a threat to black voting power. When African-Americans leave California cities, she says, Latinos and Asians with similar political interests usually replace them.

“In Los Angeles, you’ve had coalitions coming together to vote in Tom Bradley (the city’s first Black mayor) to now Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa,” says Teasley Linnick, who also notes that Blacks who have moved from Los Angeles gained political representation in the city’s outlying areas. For instance, Wilmer Amina Carter, a Black woman, has represented the state’s 62nd Assembly District in the Inland Empire region bordering metropolitan Los Angeles, since 2006.

Marqueece Harris-Dawson, president and CEO of Community Coalition, a social and economic advocacy group for South Los Angeles, agrees that Black flight from the city will not undercut African-American voting power.

“It’s been happening over a 20-year period,” he says. “It’s not a dramatic change, so it’s not significant enough to curtail African-American political representation.”

In fact, experts say Republicans in California face new challenges underscored by the census count. Three million more Latinos moved into California between 2000 and 2010, resulting in predictions that Republicans may lose ground after new electoral districts are drawn. Analysts say Democrats could gain as many as five seats in the State Legislature, enough to form a supermajority.

The shift to having an independent panel redistrict California communities makes it difficult for Republicans to devise a redistricting strategy, according to Matt Rexroad, a GOP strategist in Sacramento.

“As always, the Republican strategy is to recruit good candidates and make sure their message resonates with voters, just like at any other time,” he says. “Sometimes, it’s worked and, well, sometimes it hasn’t.”

But what effect will Black flight from California cities and the surging Latino population have on the GOP statewide? Rexroad says the Republican Party and African-American community typically share interests in redistricting.

“You’ve found Republicans and African-Americans arguing for the same district configurations,” he says. “African-Americans want their votes consolidated to win urban seats.”

This time around, however, some California activists want the Black vote less concentrated to exert wider influence, Rexroad says, adding that the enormous growth of the Latino population is not necessarily bad news for Republicans. He notes that in California’s Central and Imperial valleys, for instance, Latinos tend to lean to the right.

“They’re largely responsible for Proposition 8 passing,” he says, referring to the ban on gay marriage. “They’re very conservative on social issues.”

While Republicans may not gain power where Blacks have departed, Blacks who have headed south will probably not be able to turn red states blue in the near future, says Herb Tyson of Tyson Innovative Government Relations Solutions in Washington, D.C.

The Black migration “doesn’t help Democrats because the South is so heavily skewed Republican you would have to have a huge representation of African-Americans to make a difference statewide,” he Tyson says.

On the other hand, in cities such as Atlanta, the Black population is so large that African-Americans relocated there from throughout the nation won’t change the political landscape. The Atlanta area now has the greatest number of Blacks in the country outside of New York City. For years, Chicago held that distinction. Moreover, three-fourths of the 25 counties in which the Black population rose most over the past decade are in the South.

In Texas, the Black population grew by 22 percent, in part because of Hurricane Katrina refugees who relocated there permanently. With the Latino population also growing, by 42 percent, minorities could alter the political landscape that Republicans have controlled.

Meanwhile, five counties with the greatest number of blacks 10 years ago—Los Angeles County, Philadelphia County, Wayne (Detroit), Cook (Chicago) and Kings (New York City)—all lost African-Americans. Democratic pollster Ron Lester stresses that populations in northeastern states dropped overall but says he doesn’t expect that to have much political impact.

“The loss has been spread around,” Lester says. “It’s a lot of college-educated voters who are leaving.”

Lester also questions the notion that population declines in northern states will benefit Republicans in that region or nationally. “In places like New York, I don’t think that’s going to them help pick up a seat in Congress,” he says. “I think that right now, you have [43] members of the Congressional Black Caucus. When redistricting is over, you’ll have the same number.”

In the historically black District of Columbia, the African-American population decreased by 11.5 percent between 2000 and 2010. In contrast, the Black population in nearby Charles County in Maryland doubled as African-Americans departed the District.

David Bositis, senior research associate at the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies in Washington, D.C., doesn’t expect the Black population decrease to have a huge impact on the city’s political scene.

“By and large, White voters have almost always had a major say in D.C. politics, so the fact that D.C. is becoming less Black isn’t really changing the politics,” Bositis says. “The exception is Marion Barry. He was the only politician in D.C. who was able to win without white support.” The former mayor is a City Council member.

Nationally, Black movement away from cities will eventually give minorities more political clout in areas where they settle, Bositis says. He adds, though, that this phenomenon will take time because the Black and Latino population is on average younger than the White population.

He says, “Certainly in the future, it’s going to represent an advantage but not immediately because younger people are not as politically active as older people are, and the White population is getting quite old.”

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