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Walter Fauntroy, Feared Dead in Libya, Returns Home—Guess Who He Saw Doing the Killing by Valencia Mohammed

Sept. 11, 2011

Walter Fauntroy, Feared Dead in Libya, Returns Home

Guess Who He Saw Doing the Killing:

It wasn't the Libyans

By Valencia Mohammed

Special to the Trice Edney News Wire from the Afro American Newspapers

 fauntroy

(TriceEdneyWire.com) - Former U.S. Congressman Walter Fauntroy, who recently returned from a self-sanctioned peace mission to Libya, said he went into hiding for about a month in Libya after witnessing horrifying events in Libya's bloody civil war -- a war that Fauntroy claims is backed by European forces.

Fauntroy's sudden disappearance prompted rumors and news reports that he had been killed.

In an interview inside his Northwest D.C. home last week, the noted civil rights leader, told the Afro that he watched French and Danish troops storm small villages late at night beheading, maiming and killing rebels and loyalists to show them who was in control.

"'What the hell' I'm thinking to myself. I'm getting out of here. So I went in hiding," Fauntroy said.

The rebels told Fauntroy they had been told by the European forces to stay inside. According to Fauntroy, the European forces would tell the rebels, "'Look at what you did.' In other words, the French and Danish were ordering the bombings and killings, and giving credit to the rebels.

"The truth about all this will come out later," Fauntroy said.

While in Libya, the former congressman also said he sat down with Libyan leader Moammar Gaddafi for a one-on-one conversation. Gaddafi has ruled Libya since 1969, when he seized power in a military coup.

Fauntroy said he spoke with Gaddafi in person and that Gaddafi assured him that if he survived these attacks, the mission to unite African countries would continue.

"Contrary to what is being reported in the press, from what I heard and observed, more than 90 percent of the Libyan people love Gaddafi," Fauntroy said. "We believe the true mission of the attacks on Gaddafi is to prevent all efforts by African leaders to stop the recolonization of Africa."

Several months ago, Gaddafi's leadership faced its biggest challenge. In February, a radical protest movement called the Arab Spring spread across Libya. When Gaddafi responded by dispatching military and plainclothes paramilitary to the streets to attack demonstrators, it turned into a civil war with the assistance of NATO and the United Nations.

Fauntroy's account could not be immediately verified by the Afro and the U.S. State Department has not substantiated Fauntroy's version of events. Fauntroy was not acting as an official representative of the U.S. in Libya. He returned to Washington, D.C. on Aug. 31.

When rumors spread about Fauntroy being killed he went underground, he told the Afro in an interview. Fauntroy said for more than a month he decided not to contact his family but to continue the mission to speak with African spiritual leaders about a movement to unify Africa despite the Arab uprisings.

"I'm still here," Fauntroy said, pointing to several parts of his body. "I've got all my fingers and toes. I'm extremely lucky to be here."

After blogs and rumors reported Fauntroy had been killed, the congressional office of Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton (D-DC) announced on Aug. 24, that she had been in touch with authorities who confirmed Fauntroy was safely in the care of the International Committee of the Red Cross.

Inside his home, Fauntroy pulled out several memoirs and notebooks to explain why he traveled to Libya at a time when it was going through civil unrest.

"This recent trip to Libya was part of a continuous mission that started under Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. when he gave me orders to join four African countries on the continent with four in the African Diaspora to restore the continent to its pre-colonial status," Fauntroy said.

"We want Africa to be the breadbasket of the world," he said. "Currently, all the major roads in every country throughout Africa lead to ports that take its natural resources and wealth outside the continent to be sold to the European markets."

How September 11th Changed Us: Taking Our Power Back by Dr. Dan Collins

How September 11th Changed Us: Taking Our Power Back

By Dr. Dan Collins  

Commentary

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(TriceEdneyWire.com) - Just like the day when President Kennedy was assassinated, everybody remembers exactly what they were doing when those four hijacked planes snuffed out nearly 3,000 lives on September 11, 2001. 

It was personal. In the initial seconds, there was confusion. Perhaps, it was just a tragic accident. But as the morning of 9/11 unfolded, it became crystal clear. This was no accident. It was terrorism - cold and calculated.

Emotionally, there is a big difference between falling down the steps and being pushed down the steps. Collectively, we were all “pushed down the steps”. Intention makes all of the difference in the world. Our psychological injury from 9/11 comes, in large part, because it was the terrorists' plan to harm us.

Defiantly, we have survived. But personally and culturally we would never be the same. We were unavoidably changed: scarred, dazed, traumatized. Psychological and emotional trauma leaves an indelible mark. It alters the way we see things. Trauma changes the way we take in the world. Here are a couple of the key ways that the overwhelming stress of September 11 continue to affect us:

1.  Can’t Balance Your Emotions- Ten years after the initial attack, we may still find we may find ourselves experiencing moments of what I call the four useless emotions of trauma: panic, worry, rage, or despair when confronted with information related to 9/11. These emotional responses are useless because they never help us to identify helpful ways of handling our reactions to what happened on that fateful day in a balanced and rational way. Instead, trauma puts us on edge and prompts us to over-react. Specific to September 11, another emotion that surfaces is an irrational fear of people of the Islamic faith tradition because the terrorists claimed to be Muslim. We may also take the emotional extreme of being so affected by our feelings about 9/11 that we hit the “emotional off switch” and numb out. We can tell when this happens when someone detaches to such a degree that they seem to not care.

Taking Our Power back- We take our power back by taking away the terrorist’s greatest weapon: fear. We can choose our emotions. Instead of fear, we can choose compassion, keeping us connected with the best in us and others. We can even use anger effectively. While rage is an out-of-control emotion, anger can be effective when used to affirm a boundary which says, “I won’t tolerate being violated with aggression”. We can also choose determination, an emotion which enables us to keep moving forward in a positive direction. We can choose to not remain bottled up with toxic emotions. We can identify responses that work, like not taking the “hate bait”. We can be wise enough to not confuse the distorted perspective of terrorists with anything remotely resembling the nobility of devout faith. True faith replenishes life.

2.  Can’t Tell Time-when people have been overwhelmed by trauma, they tend to live in the past. Some people have a hard time getting over what happened to them regarding 9/11 because they keep re-experiencing their pain through nightmares, flashbacks and intrusive thoughts. Think of 9/11 nightmares and flashbacks as “instant replays” of our trauma. Intrusive thoughts occur as we are engaged in almost any activity and our mind “changes the channel” to something 9/11 related.

Taking Our Power Back-we take our power back by realizing that the way out of trauma is living in the present. Trauma confuses the past with the present. We can heal powerfully, as we acknowledge the tragedy of September 11th, but give new life to ourselves as we affirm that 9/11/01 is over and September 11th 2011 is a new day with a whole new story and we get to write it!

Dr. R. Dandridge Collins, known as "Dr. Dan",  is author of the bestselling book, The Trauma Zone: Trusting God for Emotional Healing. More information: www.drdancollins.com

Hurricane Katrina: Where are We Six Years Later? by Michael Radcliff

Sept. 4, 2011

Hurricane Katrina: Where are We Six Years Later?

By Michael Radcliff
Special to the Trice Edney News Wire from The Louisiana Weekly

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(TriceEdneyWire.com) - Monday, August 29, marked the sixth anniversary of the Storm of the Century — Hurricane Katrina. Much has been written and said regarding the lingering effects of the disaster. Much has been written and said regarding the plans to rebuild the city — which areas received the most attention, and the fairness of the disbursement of funding and resources. Much has been said and written regarding the shift in demographics, shift in politics, and the profile of the “new” New Orleanian. Much has also been written and said regarding those who came back and those who did not — and those who could not.

The following is a series of opinions given by randomly selected laypersons and professional New Orleanians with regard to how they rate the city’s recovery six years post-Katrina. While viewpoints may vary, there are several underlying issues that resonate throughout – the results may surprise you.

Alexis — “My recovery was easy as far as material things, but emotionally…. I went to Georgia after Katrina, I stayed five years and I just returned last year. People here are not recovering mentally. By now people have pretty much recovered their material things, but not their mental health. I lost my mother after the storm and as far as my inner strength it is only at about 80 percent. It seems like everybody is on anti-depressants now… I’ve never seen so many people, including doctors on anti-depressants. New Orleans is different, everywhere you turn you see people begging… white people and children… you never used to see that down here. I don’t feel safe. The crime is worse to me. I don’t know if I just notice it more now, but to me New Orleans is a scary place. It kinda feels like a Third World nation. Nobody seems to trust anybody.”

Alexis, 28 — Insurance Customer Care Representative

Ron McClain — “The recovery has been uneven. In my opinion it’s been a tale of two cities. One city fully recovered perhaps better than it was, those areas which had access to more resources or more money personally… then you have those other areas that look like they will probably never fully recover. And when you think about your populations that were vulnerable before Katrina — the poor, the elderly, the disabled, people with mental health issues — a lot of those people continue to struggle and are far from recovery. I think there has also been an increase across the board in risky behaviors, such as drug and alcohol use and risk factors especially for vulnerable populations. We no longer have as many supports in our environment and community that we used to… with regard to mental health, we’re still pretty depleted in terms of mental health professionals… we don’t have nearly as many social workers in our schools that we need… in fact some of the charter schools don’t have any. The level of support is not nearly where it was before the storm; and before the storm it was woefully inadequate. The good news is that many are now recognizing the need for that level of support. My contention is that all schools should have social workers, but not all of them do… With regard to the homeless population, I’ve never seen as many people who seem like they were totally without options. Additionally, I have seen an increase in homeless young people, white people… and I don’t know if they are actually indigent or just transient and came here after the storm and see this as a way of getting money for recreational use — because they don’t fit the profile of people who are traditionally homeless.”

Dr. Ron McClain received his Master’s of Social Work from Southern University at New Orleans and his Juris Doctor from Loyola University, School of Law. He is currently the president and CEO of Family Service of Greater New Orleans.

Malcolm Suber — “I think we can say without fear of contradiction that six years have passed and a lot needs to be done. Especially with regard to poor Black people being able to return to the city where they were born. We still have over 100,000 mainly Black people still displaced. And since those Black people haven’t been able to return, we’ve had a white takeover of City Hall, the D.A.’s office, the police department, and I think the consequences of that have been detrimental to Black people. Having said that, I do think that we have made some headway in our struggle for justice. Certainly we’ve got the Danziger people convicted and some other people convicted, so we’ve made some strides vis-a-vis the police department. Even as such, I would say overall we’ve still got a long way to go. Unfortunately, our Black political leadership has failed us. Histori­cally and today, not one Black official took a stand on Danziger, or on the Glover trial, and it’s very troublesome to me that one can pose as a leader in the community and be silent about things that are very pertinent to the lives and well-being of the Black people who elect them That’s an indication that we have to have new political leadership in New Orleans. With regard to the issue of safety, personally, I believe as long as the New Orleans police are in charge, Black people can’t feel safe in this city because the people who are supposed to be protecting your safety are the ones doing the abusing. So I would definitely say that we cannot trust them, should not trust them; and I don’t feel safe, and won’t feel safe, until there is some change in the regime and the behavior of the New Orleans Police Department. I’m more afraid of them than the so-called criminal element of the city. Of course we have a serious problem with some of our Black youth, but that’s born out of self-hatred and we need to find some effective solutions for these young men so that they won’t end up murdering each other on the street. With regard to the increase in drug and alcohol addictions, because of the adverse conditions in which we live, more and more people seek a medicinal solution to social problems. People who are addicted to drugs seek out drugs to numb the pain of their miserable conditions. But certainly we should be trying to improve the social conditions. Because Governor Jindal has eradicated our mental health resources, we now have a condition in which Parish Prison has become the biggest mental health center in the city.”

Dr. Suber earned his Ph.D. from Morehouse College and is a renown community activist and describes himself as a former textile worker, autoworker, college professor, printer, the executive director of UrbanHeart, organizer of Peoples Hurricane Relief Fund, and longtime New Orleans anti-police brutality activist.

Randy Randolph — “Everybody’s kinda living in different places now. Where traditionally you had certain people who lived in the 7th Ward, certain other people who lived in the 9th Ward… it’s all been kinda shaken up a little bit now. There’s still a lot going on in construction for oblivious reasons; and there’s going to be a lot of construction going on for some time. Although the pace has gotten slower… the money isn’t there like it was right after Katrina. That’s kinda holding things up, but, it’s prolonging the work. The insurance companies did a pretty good job at taking care of people who lived Uptown, even Lakeview. It’s unfair though because as many people got flooded out in Lakeview as those in the 9th Ward — but Lakeview got a lot of attention. With regard to the crime problem, I can honestly said that I have seen a big jump in crime. It goes in cycles… it was bad before Katrina and at times now it gets bad again.

I don’t see anything that has stopped the pattern. One thing that strikes me the city now as opposed to before is college students…. At one time before Katrina, kids who would come from out-of-town and go to school here, would fall in love with the city and end up staying here. It was the ‘Big Easy.’ It had the enjoyment of a big city but the pace of a smaller town and you didn’t have that everywhere, so people would get comfortable and end up staying here. But now as soon as the kids receive their degrees they’re jetting out of here.”

Randy Randolph is a 41-year-old electrician.

Jyaphia Christos-Rodgers — “When our institutions try to create solutions to big problems, they often try to do it in a colorblind way. But because there’s so much history that affects the way problems show up, I think that doing things in a colorblind way always leads to disadvantages for some communities and usually those are communities of color, especially in New Orleans, Black communities and lower-income Black communities, and I’m speaking as a white person. I can see in my neighborhood, a neighborhood where more white people live, schools where more white people’s kids go to, things are further along. And I believe some of that was the way the Road Home program was implemented. The economic policy which said that what you get was dependent upon your pre-Katrina value of your home. Well the same home in a white neighborhood and a Black neighborhood were valued differently based solely on the fact of whether they were located in white neighborhoods or Black neighborhoods. So I think it made it harder for some of my African-American friends, their families and their communities to recover because they were at an economic disadvantage because of the unfair devaluing of the homes in their neighborhood. And yet the replacement value (or the cost to repair or replace your home) is the same across the board; so if you lived in a white neighborhood you had an advantage. I think that there are inequalities; and I think that when some people are faced with inequalities, it hurts everybody. With regard to homelessness, I think that everybody is more at risk to be homeless — everybody.

There’s less job security, and the more people are at risk (with regard to) job security, the more people are at risk for homelessness and the more people at risk for homelessness, the more people will be at risk for mental health issues. As it stands, everyone already carries the burden of being a traumatized community. You see, we were stressed as a community before the storm; we were stressed living in a community which had so many economic disadvantages. I worked for eight years in a federal jobs initiative program. Our target area included New Orleans and five other economically depressed major cities. New Orleans consistently showed the lowest job growth — and this was before Katrina. Then the storm comes into an already devastated community and on top of that we have the oil spill, so now we have triple devastation. When people are traumatized over and over and over again, it shows up in our families, it shows up in more substance abuse, it shows up in more mental illnesses, it shows up all over the place. I know it showed up in my family. A lot of young people in my family were coming of age when Katrina hit. They are supposed to be at a point of their lives when opportunity is there for them. They are supposed to be entering the workforce in entry-level positions and starting to build their skills. Yet it’s been so hard for them to make that transition into adulthood because there are so few opportunities.”

Mrs. Christos-Rodgers received her M.A. in Urban Sociology from the University of New Orleans and describes herself as a sociologist, community organizer, and diva chef.

David Abramson — “It seems to me that there was and still is an inequality in the recovery effort and in part because so many people who were displaced did not have the resources or wherewithal to be engaged in the community recovery effort back in the city. It was difficult for these people to return to the city. So I would say that the recovery, from an individual or a family perspective, is difficult and ongoing as we certainly learned (in our comprehensive five-year trended study). And from the community perspective as well, I think that it’s inequitable. The people who were more vulnerable are more likely to have been displaced and were unable to return to the city. I think that the institutions in the city are not always as equitable as they could be. I think that the school system in the city is better than it was before, but it still has a long way to go, and it is still inequitable. It would seem like the various commissions that were impaneled to determine how best to help New Orleans recover were also inequitable.

“In some cases it was a tough choice, a Hopson’s choice or one in which no real good alternatives were offered. I believe that some of the areas, like some of the areas in the 9th Ward, should not be re-developed because they are in a fundamentally risky area; and because of that the people who lived there before the storm, especially those who were renting, had no recourse after Katrina to find an equivalent site back in the city. With regard to the cycle of trauma experience by the city, it was absolutely no doubt that what we saw, what we measured among the children who we were following, is that the children who had been displaced were exhibiting serious emotional distress at levels that were four or five times the norm or the average for the rest of the U.S. population of similar kids — and this was four years after Katrina. It seems pretty clear that the remnants of Katrina are lingering with these kids and that they are having substantial sustained mental health effects. We’ve been funded by the National Institutes of Health, or NIH, to look into the mental health effects on children long-term following the Gulf oil spill. When we initially looked last year, when the oil spill was unfolding, it looked as though it had serious potential mental health consequences of the oil spill because it’s one more trauma, one more insult to the community and it makes it hard for people who are recovering to have to recover both from Katrina and then have the economic impact of the oil spill to deal with as well. With regard to the adults, nearly 40 percent of those that we have followed over a four-year period post-Katrina had serious emotional, behavioral, psychological issues — 40 percent, or almost half of all of the adults we surveyed!”

Dr. Abramson received his Ph.D. in Public Health from Columbia University and is currently Pro­fessor of Clinical of Sociomedical Sciences at Columbia University, as well as, Columbia University’s Mailman’s School of Public Health, Director of Research for the National Center for Disaster Preparedness. He is the lead researcher for the Gulf Coast Child & Family Health Five Year Study following the displacement, health, and recovery among 1,074 randomly sampled households displaced or greatly impacted by Hurricane Katrina in Louisiana and Mississippi. He is also the co-author of “The Prevalence and Predictors of Mental Health Distress Post-Katrina: Findings from the Gulf Coast Child and Family Health Study” and “On the Edge: Children and Families Displaced by Hurricanes Katrina and Rita Face a Looming Medical and Mental Health Crisis.”

Black Community at Reagan-Era Jobless Rate, White Jobless Rate Goes Down by Hazel Trice Edney

Black Community at Reagan-Era Jobless Rate, White Jobless Rate Goes Down

What Will the President Say in His Speech This Week?

obamareflective

By Hazel Trice Edney

(TriceEdneyWire.com) – It’s a pivotal moment for the Obama White House. The Black unemployment rate is now at its highest in almost 30 years. All eyes are on the President as he gives what some view as the most important economic speech of his nearly three-year tenure this week.

“The Republican field is still extremely weak. And the Republicans are not offering anything as an alternative,” says David Bositis, spokesman for the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies.

Bositis, considered a foremost expert on Black politics, indicated that Obama’s re-election is at stake. “It depends on whether the jobless numbers get better or get worse. Even if they get worse, the Republicans are still not offering anything as an alternative,” he said.

Just before the official start of the election season on Labor Day came revelations of the worst Black unemployment numbers since the Reagan Administration in July 1984.

The Bureau of Labor Statistics reports the Black jobless rate for August at 16.7 percent, a number dating back to 1984. The rate leaped an entire percentage point, from 15.9 percent in July. Ironically, the White unemployment rate dropped slightly, from 8.1 percent to 8.0 percent. The average rate remained steady at 9.1 percent.

This week, President Obama is slated to unveil a plan to create jobs. His prime time speech Thursday night is viewed as a key to his re-election bid as his primary voting base – African-Americans – have become frustrated with their economic plight.

Members of the Congressional Black Caucus have been among those expressing their frustration. They became increasingly outspoken on the issue after holding job fairs in major cities this summer and seeing thousands of African-Americans line up.

"August's unemployment numbers show that there is a significant hemorrhage in the African-American community that is not being addressed, which has resulted in extremely high jobs loss,” CBC Chairman Emanuel Cleaver (D-Mo.) said in a statement responding to the new unemployment rates. “We stand at a critical point in our nation’s history. The time for bold action on jobs is now to provide hard working Americans with real economic opportunities. Members of the Congressional Black Caucus will offer suggestions to President Obama before his address to the nation on jobs. It is time to take serious and the Congressional Black Caucus is prepared to continue the work we began with the initiative. We look forward to working with the President and Congress to ensure the urgent needs of our communities are met.”

CBC members, who also blame Republican leadership for dragging their feet on jobs, have co-sponsored and introduced what they call the “For the People Jobs Initiative” - H. Res. 348. The measure urges the House “to immediately consider and pass critical jobs legislation to address the growing economic crisis in America.” Cleaver said. He said the CBC has introduced more than 40 job creation bills since the beginning of the 112th Congress.

President Obama, early in his tenure, also focused on jobs. The $800 billion bailout was supposed to have stimulated job growth. Whereas it seemed to have slowed the bleeding of jobs, it apparently did little to increase employment prospects for African-Americans.

Also, while President Obama has made two major speeches over the past month in which he focused specifically on the disparate unemployment rate for veterans and their difficulty in finding jobs, during his first two years, he has not specifically addressed the disparate economic suffering of African-Americans.

“A rising tides lifts all boats,” he said in a Jan. 2010 White House press conference in response to a question about the spiraling Black jobless rate.

This week on Labor Day, President Obama was slated to have visited Detroit, which has the highest Black population in the nation at 82 percent. There he was to deliver remarks to workers and their families at a Labor Day event, focusing on his efforts to create jobs and strengthen the economy. 

There, he would be hard-pressed to avoid speaking directly to the disparate Black unemployment statistics. African-Americans, his most solid support base, were hopeful. Detroit Rep. John Conyers (D-Mich.) was a co-sponsor of one of the introduced CBC bills, the “Urban Jobs Act.”

Though it is as much the responsibility of Congress to create jobs and avoid economically disparate hardships as it is the job of the White House, eyes are on Obama because he is the nation’s first Black President and because, as a part of his platform, he promised not to forget the disparate hardships of Black people.

The following are Obama’s Nov. 3, 2008 election-eve words, documented by this reporter as then editor-in-chief of the NNPA News Service, who listened on his telephone conference with Black leaders:


“Everyone under the sound of my voice understands the struggles we face. Everyone understands the fierce urgency of now. You all know what’s at stake in this election,” Obama said in a live telephone conference with Black leaders on the eve of his election. The “listen only” call included a spectrum of speakers, including civil rights icon Rev. Joseph Lowery, Oprah Winfrey, Democratic strategist Donna Brazile, rapper Sean “Diddy” Combs, and Democratic Whip Jim Clyburn.


"Obama listed a string of issues disparately faced by African-Americans, including the struggle to recruit good teachers and, the struggle against under-funded schools, double digit jobless rates and having to work two and three jobs to make ends meet.

“I mention these issues because this community, our community, the African-American community, during these challenging times, suffers more than most in this country,” he said. “Double digit inflation, double digit unemployment, stagnant wages, our kids are more likely to drop out, more likely to be in jail, more likely to die. We’re going to have to do better. And if we continue the momentum we’ve seen across this country over the last several weeks, we can do better.”

Wave of Illegal, Senseless and Violent Evictions Swells in Port au Prince

Wave of Illegal, Senseless and Violent Evictions Swells in Port au Prince

By Bill Quigley

(TriceEdneyWire.com) - Mathias O is 34 years old. He is one of about 600,000 people still homeless from the January 2010 earthquake in Haiti. He lives with his wife and her 2-year-old under a homemade shelter made out of several tarps. They sleep on the rocky ground inside. The side tarp walls are reinforced by pieces of cardboard boxes taped together. Candles provide the only inside light at night. There is no running water. No electricity. They live near a canal and suffer from lots of mosquitoes. There are hundreds of families living in tents beside him. This is the third tent community he has lived in since the earthquake.

The earthquake made Mathias homeless when it crushed his apartment and killed his cousin and younger brother. He and his wife first stayed in a park next to St. Anne’s Catholic Church. Then the family moved to what they thought was a safer place, Sylvio Cator stadium. They put up a tent on the lawn inside the stadium and stayed there for several months. The authorities then moved them just outside of the stadium so the soccer team could practice. They lived in a tent outside the stadium with 514 other families for over a year until they were ordered to leave in July 2011. Each family was told they had to leave and were given 10,000 Goudes (about $250 in US dollars) to assist in their relocation. Where did the 514 families go? No one knows for sure. About 150 families stayed together and live under tarps beside Mathias. Some used the money to build new tarp shelters elsewhere and some used it for food. The rest? No one knows. No one is keeping track.

When Mathias was asked what he would like to say to the human rights community, he said, “The life of the people living in the tents is not a human life. Our human rights are not respected. No institutions are taking care of us, we are the forgotten. We want people to remember us and help us to have the human life we should have. It's not our choice to live this way. The situation of life bring us here. We hope to have a normal life. But the hope is very far from us.”

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) reported August 19, 2011 that there are about 594,800 people living in about 1000 displacement camps in Haiti. Most want to leave but have nowhere to go. Nearly 8,000 people have been evicted in the last three months. Their report concludes by saying “With nearly 600,000 internally displaced persons still in camps, the scale of Haiti’s homeless problem remains daunting.”

Complicating the problem is the increasing wave of forced evictions happening in Haiti. These are evictions without any legal process, often by police, frequently accompanied by violence.

Landowners use armed police and private security to carry out evictions and scare people away. They rarely go to court because they usually cannot prove they own the land. So they resort to brute force to overwhelm the families. Police and private security use guns, machetes, batons and bulldozers to push people out.

The administration of President Michel Martelly has apparently given a green light to widespread violent demolition of camps without any legal process. Though the administration announced plans to relocate families from six camps, nothing has happened.

The Haitian human rights law firm Bureau des Avocats Internationaux (BAI) reports that before June they were receiving several threats of forced evictions per month. Since June, the threats increased to several per week. Now they are receiving several reports of forced evictions every day.

Dozens of human rights activists called on the United Nations to condemn these illegal evictions and to make Haiti impose a moratorium on illegal evictions until there are realistic plans to house the families being uprooted. These evictions are in defiance of a ruling by the Inter American Commission on Human Rights which issued precautionary measures asking Haiti to cease illegal evictions.  

On November 18, 2010, the IACHR expressed concern over forced evictions of the displaced and sexual violence against women and girls. Specifically, the IACHR wrote Haiti asking the government to “offer those who have been illegally expelled from the camps a transfer to places that have minimum health and security conditions, and then transfer them if they so agree; guarantee that internally displaced persons have access to effective recourse before a court and before other competent authorities; implement effective security measures to safeguard the physical integrity of the inhabitants of the camps, guaranteeing especially the protection of women and children; train the security forces in the rights of displaced persons, especially their right not to be forcibly expelled from the camps; and ensure that international cooperation agencies have access to the camps.”   

Residents recently surveyed by BAI and the University of San Francisco said money given them upon eviction was insufficient to relocate or pay rent anywhere. Small grants worth about $250 are not enough to build even the most basic 12x10 shack with plywood walls, a corrugated metal roof and concrete floor – leaving many of those evicted without any shelter except to go put up a tarp in another displacement camp. No wonder that 35 percent of them reported being the victims of physical harm or threats of physical harm.  

The following are recent examples of illegal forced evictions, all have occurred since Martelly became President:

  • On May 27, 2011, at 6am, Haitian National Police wielding machetes and knives stormed a camp in the Delmas 3 neighborhood destroying about 200 makeshift tents, and forcing people to flee, according to Jacqueline Charles of the Miami Herald.   There was no court order of eviction.
  • In early June, Haitian National Police showed up and began destroying tarps and tents of hundreds of families camped at the intersection of Delmas and Airport Roads. The police fired shots and swung batons as people protested in front of their camp.  This was done without legal authority.
  • Later in June, at another camp in Delmas 3, truckloads of agents armed with machetes descended on another camp and dismantled it. After the tents were destroyed a bulldozer showed up and leveled what was left. This too was without any legal process.
  • In a midnight raid on July 3, 2011, police and private security forces completely destroyed tents of about 30 families in Camp Eric Jean-Baptiste in the Port au Prince suburb of Carrefour.
  • On July 18, 2011, Haitian National Police entered the displacement camp in the parking lot of Sylvio Cator sports stadium and destroyed the tents and belongings of 514 families. There was no lawful process. People were given about $250 to pay for new shelters. Many told human rights monitors that they did not want the money, they wanted to stay but accepted the money as they had no other options. These illegal evictions were condemned by the UN Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights.
  • On July 27, 2011, members of the Haitian National Police arrested, assaulted and ransacked tents of internally displaced people protesting against the illegal eviction of dozens of families at Camp Django. Camp residents were given about $125 for their destroyed shelters.

 So, what should be happening?

The Interim Haiti Recovery Commission, co-chaired by former US President Bill Clinton, just pledged $78 million to fund a housing plan for 16 districts in Haiti. But, as Haiti Grassroots Watch reports, even if all the planned repairs and construction of 68,025 units takes place, that is only 22 percent of what is needed since there are over 300,000 families and 600,000 people living in camps.

It is time for the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission, the UN, The US and the international community to stand up for the human rights of the hundreds of thousands of people like Mathias.   Housing is a human right. Using force to evict homeless survivors of Haiti’s earthquake from one spot to make them homeless in another place is illegal, senseless and violent.   Mathias and his family deserve much more.

Bill Quigley is a law professor and human rights advocate at Loyola University New Orleans. Bill is a long time Haiti advocate in his work with the Center for Constitutional Rights and the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti. Vladimir Laguerre helped with this article. You can reach Bill at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

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